展期：2020年5月20日至2021年4月16日
走在抗極權最前線——從「八九六四」到「反送中」
At the Forefront of Anti-totalitarianism:From the 1989 Democracy Movement to the Anti-Extradition Movement
- 引言 Introduction
- 時局背景 Background
- 時間線 Timeline
- 人物介紹 Survivors and the Dead
- 中共官方對「六四」的定性 The CCP’s Official Statement on June 4th
- 八九民運文宣物品 Publicity Materials
- 香港人在八九民運的參與 Hong Kong People's Involvement
- 八九民運與「反送中」運動模式 Modes of the Movements
- 參與者故事 Participants’ Stories
- 極權統治者會「進化」？Do Totalitarian Rulers “Evolve”?
- 結語 Conclusion
1989、2019，時空一轉，北京天安門廣場的血腥鎮壓，換來了香港「催」煙四起的街頭和校園。
「八九六四」是香港社會一次集體的政治覺醒，也是一道未癒合的傷口，一場未完結的抗爭。如果說，2014年「雨傘運動」的佔領場景，令人恍如回到1989年遍佈帳篷的天安門廣場；2019年「反送中」運動中，硝煙漫天，年青人遭濫暴，令不少香港人感受到「六四」屠殺如此接近，以至「港版六四」、「六四2.0」之說不脛而走。
30多年前，香港正處於九七回歸前的過渡期，港人全情投入聲援北京學生，首次出現百萬人大遊行，八九民運不但將香港與內地民主運動扣連起來，亦成為香港本土民運的里程碑。1989年迄今，香港人「毋忘六四」，抗爭不息，不僅是中共專政下的異數，在全球亦屬罕見，顯示這座城市的獨特性。到了2019年，因反修例，過百萬人的大遊行一再上演，無數港人走上街頭，以血肉之軀硬撼專政機器，面對「六四」式的鎮壓亦不退縮，為香港的民運歷史添上厚重的、全新的一筆。
從「八九六四」到「反送中」，中共的魔爪愈伸愈長，步步進逼，香港已走到對抗極權的最前線，港人仍會繼續走下去，守護這個城市的核心價值。
1989 and 2019... time interchanged and space was displaced. The bloody crackdown on Tiananmen Square in Beijing has changed to the tear-gassed streets and campuses of Hong Kong.
June 4th of 1989 politically awakened the Hong Kong society, but yet, it is still an unhealed wound and an unending fight. If we say that the occupation scene of the Umbrella Movement in 2014 resembled the tent-filled Tiananmen Square in 1989; the Anti-Extradition Movement in 2019 with abusive shooting of tear-gas and brutal beating up of young people made Hong Kong people feel it close to the June 4th Massacre, or even the “Hong Kong version of June 4th ” and “June 4th 2.0”.
Over 30 years ago, Hong Kong was in the transitional period before the return to China in 1997. The people of Hong Kong fully supported the students in Beijing and there was for the first time a million people demonstrated on the streets. Since 1989, Hong Kong people have not forgotten the June 4th Massacre, and they are still fighting. This is not only unthinkable under the dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), but also rare in the world. It also marks the uniqueness of this city. In 2019, during the Anti-Extradition Movement, marches of over one million people were staged again and again. Countless Hong Kong people took to the streets to confront the dictatorship, and they did not flinch in the face of the June 4th style of repression. The democratic movement history of Hong Kong has added a heavy and brand new stroke.
From June 4th to Anti-Extradition, the CCP’s devil’s claws are getting longer and closer. Hong Kong is in the forefront against totalitarianism, and Hong Kong people are going to continue to protect the city’s core value.
時局背景 Background
八九民運出現在中國相對自由、寬鬆的80年代，「反送中」運動則出現在中共威權管治不停延伸至香港之時。兩者相隔30年，香港見證民主發展的倒退，人民繼續為反威權、反專制而抗爭。
The 1989 Democracy Movement took place in the relatively free and loose 1980s, while the Anti-Extradition Movement has occurred in the context of Communist Party attempts to exert greater control over Hong Kong. The 30 years in between bear witness to democratic regression and people’s persistent fight against authoritarianism.
八九民運 1989 Democracy Movement
1978年，中共推行「對內改革、對外開放」、「解放思想、實事求是」的政策，使國家經歷一段經濟發展、政治寬鬆、思想解放、文化絢爛的時期。
經濟改革10年臨到樽頸位，政治體制改革未能配合。價格雙軌制導致「官倒」（特權階層利用關係倒賣官方物資），貪污加劇，物價飛漲，民怨沸騰。
黨內外有清晰政治改革訴求：從1976年四五天安門事件、70年代末西單民主牆及民刊運動，到高校學生和知識份子競選地區人大代表、八六學潮、1989年初的連串聯署請願行動等，反映人民對民主的追求，可謂八九民運「前奏」。
國際上，80年代社會主義國家頻繁出現政治動盪。「六四」當天，波蘭團結工會在選舉中獲勝，導致波蘭共產政權垮台。數月後，東歐社會主義國家先後出現和平演變，兩年後蘇聯解體。
The CCP adopted “Reform and Opening” policies in 1978. The country experienced a period of economic development, political easing, ideological emancipation and a splendid culture.
Ten years of economic reforms reached a bottleneck and political system reforms failed to cooperate. The dual-track price system has led to official profiteering. Corruption intensified, prices skyrocketed, and public grievances increased.
Political reform became a pressing issue both within and outside the Party. The April 5th Tiananmen Incident in 1976, the Xidan Democracy Wall and the people’s publication movement in the late 1970s, the college students and intellectuals running for deputies to local people's congresses, and the 1986 student demonstrations as well as the petitions in early 1989 were seen as a prelude to the 1989 Democracy Movement.
Internationally, socialist countries frequently experienced political turmoil in the 80s. On June 4th, the Polish Solidarity Union won elections in Poland, leading to the collapse of Polish Communist regime. A few months later, other socialist countries in Eastern Europe have evolved peacefully, and the Soviet Union ended in dissolution two years later.
「反送中」運動The Anti-Extradition Movement
中共總書記習近平自2012年上台後，加強專制管治，香港特首唯中央命令是從，中聯辦日益干預香港事務。由2014年「雨傘運動」到「反送中」5年間所發生的事，包括：香港大學副校長任命、銅鑼灣書店事件、旺角騷亂事件、部分立法會參選人被撤銷參選資格、人大常委會第5次釋法、6名立法會議員議席被褫奪、一地兩檢、「佔中九子案」開審等，令「一國兩制」及香港的核心價值不停被挖空。如果說「雨傘運動」是為了爭取原本沒有的民主普選，那麼「反送中」則是港人為了守住原有的自由和法治，而負隅頑抗。
「傘運」激發不少人籌組政治團體、社會組織，走入社區耕耘甚至參政，成為「反送中」運動重要支援力量。
「反送中」爆發時，正值中美貿易戰如火如荼。美國總統特朗普曾警告「天安門式鎮壓」將損及中美貿易談判，又簽署通過《香港人權與民主法案》，使中共處理「反送中」運動受到一定牽制。
Xi Jinping, the General Secretary of CCP has stepped up his autocratic governance since he came to power in 2012. The Chief Executive of Hong Kong just follows the orders of the Central Government obediently, and the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government has increasingly intervened in Hong Kong affairs. During the 5 years from the Umbrella Movement in 2014 to the current Anti-Extradition Movement, a lot has happened, including: the appointment of Vice President of HKU; the missing Causeway Bay Bookstore owner and staff Incident; the Mong Kok disturbances; the HK Legislative Council sworn affair leading to the NPC Standing Committee’s interpretation of the Laws to disqualifying 6 Legislative Council Members from office; the Joint checkpoint arrangement; and the trial and sentencing of the 9 “Occupy Central Movement” activists. All the above instances caused the ”one country, two systems” and Hong Kong’s core values being hollowed out. If Umbrella Movement is to fight for the universal suffrage which is yet to come, the Anti-Extradition Movement is for Hong Kong people to defend stubbornly our original freedom and rule of law.
The Umbrella Movement has inspired many to organize politically and to go grassroots providing a foundation for the eventual Anti-Extradition Movement.
The Anti-Extradition protests broke out during the Sino-US trade war. US President Trump warned that “Tiananmen-style repression” would jeopardize the trade negotiations. He signed the “Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act” which somewhat constrained the CCP’s handling of the Anti-Extradition Movement.
時間線 Timeline
1989
1989.4.15
前中共總書記胡耀邦逝世，北京高校出現悼念橫額標語。
Hu Yaobang, former General Secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC), passed away, and mourning banners appeared in Beijing colleges and universities.
1989.4.18
學生高呼「反貪污、反官倒」口號，提出民主改革等7項要求。
The students shouted the slogan “anti-corruption, anti-official profiteering” and made 7 demands including democratic reform.
1989.4.19-20
約2,000名學生在中南海新華門前靜坐，要求與領導人對話，公安和武警封鎖中南海附近路口清場，與學生發生衝突。
About 2,000 students sat in front of Xinhua Gate in Zhongnanhai and requested to talk to the leaders.
Public security and armed police blocked the intersection near Zhongnanhai, and clashed with students.
1989.4.22
10萬名學生聚集廣場，要求參加官方追悼會，3名學生代表跪交請願信。
100,000 students gathered in the Square to request participation in the official memorial service. 3 student representatives kneeled to submit a petition letter.
1989.4.26
《人民日報》發表社論〈必須旗幟鮮明地反對動亂〉，把學運定性為「動亂」，激化學生與政府之間的矛盾。
People's Daily published an editorial entitled
“We must take a Clear-cut Stand against Disturbances” which defined the student movement a“disturbances.”
This intensified the conflict between students and the government.
1989.5.4
「五四運動」 70周年，全國逾10萬學生遊行，學運漸轉化為要求新聞自由、打擊貪污及繼續推行改革開放的民主運動。
On the 70th anniversary of the “May 4th Movement”, more than 100,000 students marched across the country. The goals of the student movement gradually become press freedom, an end to corruption and continuing economic reforms.
1989.5.13
學生在廣場發起絕食請願，參與人數達3,000，全國各地學生紛紛聲援支持。
Students launched a hunger strike petition. Number of participants reached 3,000, and students from all over the country expressed their support.
1989.5.16
趙紫陽與蘇共總書記戈爾巴喬夫會面，透露大事由鄧小平掌舵。
政府無視學生的要求，部分學生將絕食行動升級為絕食絕水，超過300名學生不支倒地。
Zhao Ziyang met with Gorbachev and revealed that big decisions were made by Deng Xiaoping at the helm.
The government ignored the students’ demands. Some students escalated the hunger strike to stopping water intake as well. More than 300 students fainted.
1989.5.19
趙紫陽凌晨到廣場慰問學生，含淚道歉：「同學們，我們來得挺晚了，對不起同學們。」學生宣布停止絕食，改為靜坐。
Zhao Ziyang went to the Square early morning to express regards to the students and apologize with tears, “Students, we have come late. Sorry to you.”
The students announced stopping the hunger strike and changed it into a sit-in.
1989.5.20
李鵬頒布戒嚴令，北京部分地區實施戒嚴及新聞封鎖；軍隊源源開入京城，屢遭攔截。學生宣布廣場20萬人大絕食抗議。
Li Peng issued a martial law order, and some areas in Beijing implemented martial law and news blockades. The military entered the capital and was repeatedly intercepted. The students announced that the 200,000 people in the Square went on hunger strike.
1989.5.21
戒嚴令引發海外大規模抗議，香港首次歷史性百萬人大遊行。
The martial law triggered large-scale overseas protests, and for the first time in Hong Kong history a million people marched in the streets.
1989.5.27
香港演藝界舉行「民主歌聲獻中華」演唱會，籌得1,200萬元支援民運。
The Hong Kong entertainment industry held the Concert for Democracy in China and raised $12 million to support the democratic movement.
1989.5.28
響應北京學生號召的「全球華人民主大遊行」，香港150萬人上街。
In response to the “Global Chinese Democracy March” called by Beijing students, 1.5 million people in Hong Kong took to the streets.
1989.5.30
民主女神像於天安門廣場豎立，官方發文狠批。
The statue of Goddess of Democracy was erected in Tiananmen Square, and a government statement severely criticized this act.
1989.6.3
軍隊分批秘密進城，坦克、裝甲車強行開往天安門廣場，沿路大開殺戒，死傷無數。
The army secretly entered the city in batches. The tanks and armored vehicles forced their way into Tiananmen Square, and killed people on the way, resulting in countless deaths and injuries.
1989.6.4
軍隊在早上和下午繼續向民眾開槍，傷亡人數無法估計。血腥清場震驚全球，香港舉行「黑色大靜坐」，20萬人參與。
The army entered Tiananmen Square in the early morning to clear the scene, and continued to shoot at the public in the morning and afternoon. The number of casualties could hardly be estimated. 200,000 people in Hong Kong, dressed in black, took part in a sit-in protest to mourn the deaths in Beijing. Similar protests and ceremonies took place all over the world.
1989.6.5
一名青年(王維林)於長安大街隻身攔截一隊坦克車，更一度攀上坦克車，最後由旁人拉開離去。
A young man (Wang Weilin) blocked the advance of a column of tanks on Chang’an Avenue. He even climbed up onto the turret of the lead tank but was finally pulled aside by a group of bystanders.
1989.6.13
通緝「高自聯」21名骨幹學生，名單先後為王丹、吾爾開希、劉剛、柴玲等。「黃雀行動」在6月中下旬展開，至1997年回歸前落幕，數百人獲救。
An order was issued for the arrest of 21 students of the Beijing Students' Autonomous Federation identified as movement leaders. The most wanted list included Wang Dan, Wuer Kaixi, Liu Gang and Chai Ling. “Operation Yellow Bird” commenced in late June. The operation continued right up until before the handover of Hong Kong in 1997. Hundreds of dissidents were rescued.
鎮壓仍繼續......
Suppression still continuing
2019
2019.2.12
香港人潘曉穎2018年2月在台灣遭男友陳同佳殺害。香港保安局向立法會提交文件，提出修訂《逃犯條例》及《刑事事宜相互法律協助條例》。
Hong Kong citizen Poon Hiu-wing was murdered by her boyfriend Chan Tong-kai in Taiwan in Feb 2018. The Hong Kong government Security Bureau submits a proposal to the Legislative Council to amend the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Ordinance.
2019.4.3
修訂草案在立法會首讀通過。
The Fugitive Offenders & Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019, or extradition bill, is tabled at the Legislative Council for the first reading.
2019.6.9
103萬人遊行要求撤回修訂惡法，全球多個地區有聲援活動。
1.03 million people take to the streets to demand the withdrawal of the draconian extradition bill. Solidarity protests take place around the world.
2019.6.12
香港社會各界響應三罷（罷工、罷市、罷課）。同時，示威者包圍立法會及堵路，阻止草案二讀，警方武力鎮壓。
示威者最初訴求是反對《逃犯條例》修訂草案，以「反送中」為口號。但自「612」鎮壓後，開始提出五大訴求。
Widespread labor and student strikes occur. Protesters surround Legco and block roads to prevent the second reading of the bill scheduled to begin in the morning of this day. The police disperse protesters by force, committing many abuses in the process.
After the June 12th suppression, five protest demands emerge.
2019.6.15
林鄭月娥宣佈「暫緩」修例，拒絕撤回，並同意警方「暴動」定性。同日，「黃衣人」梁凌杰從高處墮下身亡，留下 「反送中」訴求橫額。
Carrie Lam announces the suspension of the bill but refuses
to withdraw it and expresses support for the police's characterization of the June 12th protest as a “riot”.
In the evening, Marco Leung Ling-kit, who subsequently becomes known as “Raincoat Man”, falls to his death near government headquarters, leaving behind a banner reading “No Extradition To China”.
2019.6.16
「200萬+1」人遊行，打破香港有史以來遊行人數紀錄。
2 million protesters march in the largest protest in Hong Kong history, which becomes known as the “2 million and 1 person” protest in honour of Marco Leung.
2019.7.1
55萬人參與「七一」遊行。部分示威者佔領立法會議事廳，發表《香港人抗爭宣言》。
「七一」後，「林鄭月娥下台」的訴求換成「落實真雙普選」，並更關注警暴問題。
550,000 people take part in the annual July 1st march. Some protesters occupy the Legco chamber and make a “Declaration of Hong Kong Protesters”.
Subsequently, the demand for Carrie Lam to step down is replaced by a demand for universal suffrage in elections for both the Chief Executive and Legco.
The police brutality issue is more deeply concerned.
2019.7.21
白衣人在元朗西鐵站無差別襲擊市民，市民報警，警察遲遲沒有到場。警黑合作激起民憤。
The “White-shirt Mob” attack citizens indiscriminately in Yuen Long. Police fail to respond to thousands of emergency calls for over a half hour, triggering public outrage and suspicion of police and triad collusion.
2019.8.11
女急救員在尖沙咀疑被警方布袋彈射爆右眼。 同一晚，警方在葵芳及太古港鐵站狂發催淚彈。
A female first-aider is shot in the right eye by a police bean bag round in Tsim Sha Tsui. Tear gas is fired into Kwai Fong and Taikoo MTR stations.
2019.8.31
防暴警及速龍小隊衝入太子港鐵站月台和車廂，無差別毆打市民，市民對「太子站有沒有死人」一直存疑。
Riot Police and “Raptors” Squad attack citizens indiscriminately in Prince Edward MTR station. Because police largely bar the press from the scene, persistent suspicions arise that deaths occurred.
2019.9.13
中秋夜，全港各區築人鏈，喊口號和高唱《願榮光歸香港》。獅子山掛起「實行真雙普選」直幡。
For Mid-Autumn Festival, protesters form human chains across the city and sing the new anthem, “Glory to Hong Kong” . A banner calling for “dual universal suffrage” is hung from iconic Lion Rock.
2019.10.1
中共建政日，多名前立法會議員接辦「民陣」遊行，10至15萬人參加。
全港多區爆發衝突，一名中五學生在荃灣被警員近距離開實彈擊中。
On the day of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, 100,000 to 150,000 people participate in a “national day of mourning” march.
Fierce clashes between police and protesters break out across Hong Kong. A secondary student is shot in the chest at close range by a police officer in Tsuen Wan.
2019.10.4
政府引用《緊急情況規例條例》， 訂立《禁止蒙面規例》。
「香港人，加油」升級為「香港人，反抗」。
Invoking the Emergency Regulations Ordinance, the government enacts the “Prohibition on Face Covering Regulation”, banning face masks at public gatherings.
Hong Kong people react immediately with protests, and the slogan, “Hong Kong people, add oil!” is changed to “Hong Kong people, resist!”
2019.11.4
科技大學學生周梓樂在將軍澳尚德邨停車場墮下，11月8日不治身亡，事件疑點重重。「香港人，報仇」成為新口號。
University student Alex Chow Tsz-lok falls in the Sheung Tak car park, Tseung Kwan O where a police clearance operation is taking place. Suspicion falls on police, who deny any involvement. Chow dies on Nov 8th .
The protest slogan, “Hong Kong people, resist!” changes to “Hong Kong people, take revenge!”
2019.11.11
網民發起「黎明行動」及「三罷」，堵塞全港多條道路及破壞港鐵設施。
一名交警在西灣河連開3槍實彈，擊中一名21歲青年。
Netizens initiates the “Operation Dawn” which brings transport to a standstill in many parts of the city. A police officer shoots a 21-year-old youngster at point blank range in Sai Wan Ho.
2019.11.12
防暴警再闖入多間大學。中文大學二號橋爆發激烈衝突，硝煙四起。
Riot police enter university campuses. Intense clashes between police and protesters occur during the police siege of Chinese University.
2019.11.17-29
理工大學圍城戰。
Police lay siege to Polytechnic University, cordoning it off and allowing no one to leave except upon arrest.
2019.12.31
香港在催淚彈中渡過2019年最後一夜；網民發起人鏈活動，在高呼「光復香港 時代革命」聲中迎接2020年。
The last night of 2019 is marked by tear gas. Protesters form a human chain and shout, “Liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our times” as the new year begins.
2020.1.1
103萬人參加「民陣」元旦大遊行，警方腰斬遊行，並展開大圍捕。
1.03 million people participate in the New Year's Day march. Police terminate the march and launched
a massive round of arrest.
抗爭未完結......
The Fight goes on
人物介紹 Survivors and the Dead
吳向東 Wu Xiangdong
1968.8.13 - 1989.6.4
工人、夜校學生，於木樨地橋頭附近中彈，遇難時21歲。
Worker and evening university student, fatally shot dead near the Muxidi bridge at the age of 21.
八九民運期間事跡介紹 Deeds during the 1989 democracy movement
吳向東曾給工廠工友寫了聲援學生的大字報（見展品1）。他跟弟弟衛東說，當大字報在工廠門口貼出後，下班的工人打著廠旗，往天安門廣場聲援大學生。
北京戒嚴後，他於1989年5月21日寫下遺書，提到「我作好了與學生同在的準備，就是死了也在所不惜。這是為了民主和自由。」（見展品2）
吳向東下班後，常去廣場幫助維持秩序、保護學生。不少人在他衣服、帽子、鞋上簽名留念。
Wu Xiangdong wrote big-character posters to factory co-workers in support of students. He told his younger brother Weidong that when the posters were put up at the factory entrance, the off-duty workers brought the factory flag to Tiananmen Square to support the university students.
Under Beijing martial law, Wu Xiangdong wrote his will (Exhibit 2) on May 21st, 1989. On the testament, he mentioned “I’ve made preparations to stay with the students. I will not hesitate to die—for democracy and freedom.”
Wu Xiangdong often assisted in maintaining order and protected the students at the square after work. To honour him, many people signed his clothes, hats and shoes.
死亡情況 Death
父母輾轉在復興醫院找到吳向東遺體。
在白色恐怖下，家人經各方幫忙，為他開了病死假證明，悄悄把遺體送往火化。
傷口：子彈從左邊鎖骨向上脖子處射進，從後左邊近脊椎處穿出。前邊彈徑約1厘米，背後彈徑有2-3厘米，傷口四周均有灼燒痕跡。遭達姆彈（炸子）殺害。
Wu Xiangdong’s parents found his body at Fuxing Hospital.
In the shadow of white terror and with help from various parties, a fake death certificate was issued and his family quietly had the body cremated.
Wound: The bullet entered the left collarbone near the neck and came out the left side of the back near the spine. The wound diameter was about 1 cm at the front and 2-3 cm at the back, with burn marks around the wound. He was killed by an expanding (dumdum) bullet.
父母眼中的吳向東 Wu Xiangdong in the Eyes of his parents
熱愛生活，興趣廣泛，愛好集郵、圍棋、游泳、音樂、國畫、書法和篆刻。
他待人誠懇，樂於助人，因而交了不少知心朋友。
He was passionate and had a wide range of interests, like stamp collecting, Go games, swimming, music, Chinese painting, calligraphy and seal cutting. He treated people sincerely and eagerly help others, so he had many close friends.
——父親吳學漢(1995年抑鬱患癌、抱憾辭世)
Wu Xuehan, father (Died of depression and cancer in 1995)
我兒子曾在5月的天安門廣場寫過一份遺書……他以自己的生命實現了生前的諾言。
My son wrote a will at Tiananmen Square in May, he was true to his promise by giving his life.
——母親徐珏
(2017年4月24日肝癌離世)
Xu Jue, mother (Died of liver cancer on April 24th, 2017)
相關文物介紹：
1. 大字報（複製本）Big-character poster (replica)
吳向東聲援北京學運的大字報。
圖為吳向東工廠工友遊行照片，拍攝日期不詳。
The poster expresses Wu Xiangdong’s solidarity with Beijing student movement.
The photo shows Wu Xiangdong’s factory co-workers demonstrating (date unknown).
2. 吳向東遺書（複印本）Wu Xiangdong's suicide note (replica)
當中提到：「我作好了與學生同在的準備，就是死了也在所不惜。
這是為了民主和自由。」
Excerpt: “I am prepared to be with the students, even at the expense of my life. This is for democracy and freedom.”
3. 學習筆記 Study notes
吳向東勤奮向學，他半工讀，考上北京市電子儀表工業職工大學
(工業企業管理專業)。」
Wu Xiangdong was diligent in his studies. He was admitted to Beijing Electronic instrument Industry Workers College (Industrial Enterprise Management) and studied part-time.
4. 司法工作手冊 Judicial Work Manual
吳向東曾參加普及法律常識學習。
Wu Xiangdong studied general principles of law.
5. 獻血證 Blood donation certificate
八九民運爆發前，吳向東曾捐血。
Wu Xiangdong donated blood before the outbreak of the 1989 Democracy Movement.
6. 初中畢業證書 Junior high school diploma
7. 海鷗牌相機 Seagull Camera
相機內有吳向東拍攝天安門廣場「最後一卷膠卷」。
牆上的照片是由這膠卷(菲林)沖曬出來。
The camera included the last roll of film Wu Xiangdong shot at Tiananmen Square. Photos were developed from this roll.
8. 寫有「愛國無罪」頭帶 Headband with the words “Patriotism is not a Crime”
9. 星辰手錶 CITIZEN Watch
10. 相簿 Photo album
11. 日記本 Diary
12. 生前所用行李箱 Suitcase used by Wu Xiangdong
2014年，家人把裝滿吳向東遺物的行李箱送來支聯會，作為歷史見證。
In 2014, one of the Wu Xiangdong’ s family members brought the suitcase full of W’ s possessions to the Alliance as historical evidence.
13-16. 畫作、繪畫顏料和顏料盤 Paintings, paints and palette
展品13至16是他的畫作、繪畫顏料和顏料盤。
Exhibits 13 to 16 are his paintings, paints and palette.
王楠 Wang Nan
1970.4.3 - 1989.6.4
高中生，於天安門西側南長街南口中彈，遇難時19歲。
High school student, fatally shot dead at the south exit of Nanchang Street on the west side of Tiananmen Square at the age of 19.
八九民運期間事跡介紹 Deeds during the 1989 Democracy Movement
王楠非常關注學運，幾乎每天中午都去天安門拍照，認為如果沒有人把珍貴歷史鏡頭拍下，事情真相就會搞不清。
1989年5月17日，他曾和一位同學組織同學遊行，聲援絕食大學生。
1989年6月3日夜，他懷著「要把歷史鏡頭真實地記錄下來」的願望，帶著相機和紅色摩托車頭盔，騎車直奔天安門廣場。
Wang Nan was very concerned about the student movement and took photos at Tiananmen Square around noon every day. He felt that if no one recorded the precious historical moment through photographs, it would be hard to know the truth.
On May 17th, 1989, he and a classmate organized a demonstration for classmates to support the college students on hunger strike.
On the night of June 3rd, 1989, with the wish to “faithfully record the historical footage”, he left home with his camera and red motorcycle helmet and rode straight to Tiananmen Square.
死亡情況 Death
子彈從其左上額射入，左耳後穿出，所戴摩托車頭盔後面留有彈痕（見展品1）。
根據王楠家人的調查，王楠中彈後，救護隊請求把他送院搶救，遭戒嚴部隊拒絕，只讓就地包紮。
王楠親友找了24家醫院都找不到遺體。直到6月14日，學校通知家人說有一具無名屍很像王楠。家人後來調查得知，戒嚴部隊曾「毀屍滅跡」，把王楠與其他2具屍體就地掩埋在天安門西側28中學（後併為長安中學，再併為北京161中學）校門前草坪。因屍體傳出臭味，經校方交涉，被挖出再處理。由於王楠剛軍訓完，身上的衣著被誤認是軍人，送到護國寺中醫院太平間存放，家人才有機會找到遺體。
因鄧小平6月9日講話指學運是「反革命暴亂」，火葬場接到命令，死者必須甄別才能火化。王楠家人幾經交涉，後因王楠父親王範地（2017年12月8日心臟衰竭離世）是「九三學社」成員，由北京市統戰部通過市委與有關方面交涉才准許火化，但火化證的致死原因卻寫是「在外死亡」，政府企圖掩飾真相。（見展品3）
The bullet entered Wang’s upper left forehead and came out through the left ear, leaving a hole at the back of the motorcycle helmet (Exhibit 1).
According to the investigation by Wang Nan's family, after Wang Nan was shot, the rescue team asked to send him to the hospital for emergency treatment. The martial law troops refused and only allowed bandaging on the spot.
Wang Nan's relatives and friends searched 24 hospitals but could not find his body. On June 14th, the school informed the family that there was an unknown corpse that resembled Wang Nan. The family investigation later revealed that the martial law troops obliterated the traces of crimes they committed by burying Wang Nan and two other bodies in the lawn in front of the 28 Middle School (later Chang'an Middle School and then Beijing 161 Middle School) on the west side of Tiananmen. Due to the odor from the bodies, the school intervened. The bodies were excavated. As Wang Nan had just finished his military training, his body was mistaken for a soldier’s due to the clothes he wore and was sent to the mortuary of Huguosi Traditional Chinese Medicine Hospital for storage, where his family eventually found his body.
In Deng Xiaoping’s speech on June 9th, the student movement was labelled as “counter-revolutionary riot”. The crematorium received an order that the deceased had to be screened before cremation. Wang Nan’s family negotiated persistently. Eventually, as Wang’s father Wang Fandi (died of heart failure on December 8th, 2017) was a member of the Jiusan Society, the cremation was finally approved by the Beijing United Front Work Department through the municipal committee. The cause of death on the cremation certificate was “died outside”, as the government tried to cover up the truth. (Exhibit 3)
母親張先玲眼中的王楠
Wang Nan in the eyes of his mother, Zhang Xianling
他生性活潑，熱情爽朗，又熱衷於公益事務，樂於助人。他遇難前不久，月壇中學的教導主任馬老師親口對我說：王楠的品德在班裏是數一數二的，他尊敬老師，關心同學，是個很誠實可愛的孩子。相關文物介紹：
He was lively, enthusiastic, and passionate about public welfare and helping others. Shortly before his death, Teacher Ma of Yuetan Middle School told me that Wang Nan’s character was one of the best in his class. He respected teachers and cared for his classmates. He was a honest and lovely child.
——母親張先玲
Zhang Xianling, mother
1. 頭盔 Helmet
留有子彈孔的頭盔。
Helmet with bullet holes.
2. 破碎眼鏡 Broken glasses
遇難時所戴眼鏡，左邊鏡片被打碎。
The glasses with the left lens smashed that he wore when killed.
3. 火化證明 Cremation certificate
1989年6月20日，由北京市公安局西城分局發出。上面僅寫「在外死亡」。
Issued by Xicheng Branch of Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau on June 20th, 1989.
Cause of death: “died outside”.
4. 死亡報告單 Death report
1989年6月26日，由北京市衛生局及北京市公安局發出。
上面註明「槍傷在外死亡」，但死亡原因和地點皆為空白。
Issued by Beijing Municipal Health Bureau and Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau on June 26th, 1989. It notes “gunshot died outside” but leaves the spaces for cause and location of death blank.
5. 橫額 Banner
王楠與同學帶著「人民支持你們」橫額，到天安門廣場聲援大學生。
Wang Nan and his classmates took this banner with the words, “People Support You”, to Tiananmen Square to show their support for university students.
6. 抗議布條 Protest cloth strips
寫有「人民！後盾！」、「法制、民主」 等字的抗議布條。
Protest strips with words such as “People! Backing!” and “Legal System, Democracy”.
張健 Zhang Jian
1970.11.11 - 2019.4.17
北京體育學院（現為北京體育大學）預科生、學生糾察隊隊長，在天安門東觀禮台對面的天安門廣場被連射3槍，其中一顆子彈留在體內19年。2008年，在法國做手術取出子彈。
Matriculated student of the Beijing Institute of Physical Education and captain of student pickets, shot three times in Tiananmen Square opposite the Tiananmen east-viewing platform. One of the bullets remained in the body for 19 years. In 2008, surgery was performed to remove the bullet in France.
受傷情況及遭遇 Injuries and encounters
子彈擊中右腿肱骨幹上三分之一處，導致粉碎性骨折。
在北京同仁醫院留醫時，曾被舉報遭審問，後來讓他繼續留院治療。
留醫90天後出院，之後在內地隱姓埋名12年。
2001年，因參與出租汽車司機維權事件令身分曝光，隨後流亡法國，投身海外民運工作，並成為基督教傳道人。
2019年4月15日，在返回法國巴黎的飛機上因肝腹水導致昏迷，在德國送醫院搶救，4月17日不治，終年48歲。
One bullet hit the upper third of the humeral shaft of the right leg causing comminuted fracture.
He was brought to Beijing Tongren Hospital, where he came to the attention of the authorities. After interrogation, he was allowed to stay in hospital for treatment.
After a 90-day hospital stay, he was discharged and then lived undercover for 12 years in China.
In 2001, he was exposed due to his work defending the rights of taxi drivers. He subsequently went into exile in France, joining the overseas democracy movement, and became a Christian preacher.
On April 15th, 2019, he lapsed into a coma due to hepatic ascites on a plane to Paris, France and was sent to hospital in Germany for treatment. He died on April 17th, at the age of 48.
張健的說話 Zhang Jian’s quote
我之所以堅持，就是我知道那麼多的「六四」的兄弟姊妹，他們天人永訣。知道現在沒有一個還給他們真相。所以我要為「六四」做這個見證。
The reason I persist is that I know so many June 4th brothers and sisters sacrificed their lives. I know that the truth has not been revealed. So I want to bear witness to June 4th.
——張健
Zhang Jian
相關文物介紹：
1. 模型顯示張健中彈位置（子彈為複製品）
The model shows the position of bullet in Zhang's body. (The bullet is a replica.)
- 子彈未取出前，張健的右大腿根處皮膚凸起。Zhang’ s skin at the base of his right thigh before the bullet was removed.
- 於同仁醫院留醫，右腿被吊起情景。He was hospitalized in Tongren Hospital and his right leg was elevated.
- 頭綁抗議布條，在廣場擔任糾察隊隊長。He tied a protest band around his head and served as captain of the Tiananmen Square pickets.
李旺陽 Li Wangyang
1950.11.12 - 2012.6.6
湖南工運領袖，一生被囚禁累計達22年，是因「六四」被囚禁最長的政治犯之一。
Labor movement leader in Hunan, imprisoned for a total of 22 years of his life, one of the longest-serving June 4th political prisoners.
八九民運期間事跡及遭遇 Deeds and encounters during the 1989 Democracy Movement
八九民運期間，擔任湖南「邵陽市工自聯」主席，發動工人遊行、示威，聲援北京學生。
「六四」屠殺後，被以「反革命宣傳煽動罪」判刑13年，獄中受盡酷刑。
2001年，因堅持爭取民主及為所受的酷刑追討公道，被以「煽動顛覆國家政權罪」判刑10年。2011年出獄時，已被虐待至失聰失明，惡疾纏身。
2012年「六四」前夕，李旺陽接受香港傳媒訪問。訪問播出後，他於6月6日被發現在醫院窗口離奇吊頸身亡，但雙腳著地，死因疑點重重。
妹妹李旺玲被當局通知指哥哥「自殺」。6月9日，在沒有家人簽字同意下，遺體被匆匆火化，有毀屍滅跡之嫌。
During the 1989 Democracy Movement, Li served as the chairman of Shaoyang City Workers’ Union in Hunan and initiated worker demonstrations to support Beijing students.
After the June 4th Massacre, he was sentenced to 13 years in prison for “Counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement” and was tortured in prison.
As he insisted on fighting for democracy and seeking justice for torture suffered, he was sentenced to 10 years in prison in 2001 for “inciting subversion of state power”. When he was released from prison in 2011, he was deaf and blind and suffered many maladies due to prison abuse.
On the eve of June 4th in 2012, Li Wangyang was interviewed by Hong Kong media. After the interview was aired, he was found hanging from window in hospital on June 6th. His feet were on the ground. The cause of death was suspicious.
Li’s sister, Li Wangling, was informed by the authorities that her brother had “committed suicide”. On June 9th, without the signature or consent of the family, the body was hurriedly cremated, a suspected act of obliterating evidence.
李旺陽的說話 Li Wangyang’ s quote
為了國家早日進入民主社會，為了中國早日實現多黨制，我就是砍頭，我也不回頭！
For the country to become a democratic society soon, and for the realization of a multi-party system in China soon, even if I am beheaded, I’ll never regret!
——李旺陽 Li Wangyang
相關文物介紹：
1.李旺陽生前所穿衣服 Cloths worn by Li Wangyang.
李旺陽被囚禁的「棺材倉」圖示 Diagram of the “coffin cell” where Li was imprisoned
長2米 闊1米 高1.6米 Length 2m Width 1m Height 1.6m
- 被囚21年的李旺陽，曾被困「棺材倉」逾20次，每次囚禁1至3個月。 Li Wangyang was imprisoned for 21 years. He was confined to a “coffin cell” more than 20 times, each time for one to three months.
- 李身高1.8米，在倉內不能站直，只能坐或臥在石屎地上 Li, 1.8m tall, could not stand upright in the cell, only sit or lie on the concrete floor.
- 倉內無床或窗，亦無燈，完全漆黑 There was no bed, window or lamp in the cell. The cell was completely dark.
- 雙重鐵閘，閘上有一個小圓洞供送飯用，僅夠一碗飯通過 Meals were delivered through a small round hole only large enough for a single bowl.
- 地上有洞收集排泄物，倉內惡臭難當，有大量蒼蠅、蚊、虱子等昆蟲 The toilet was a hole in the floor. The cell smelled foul and was full of flies, mosquitoes, lice and other insects.
資料來源：2012年6月13日《明報》A01版
Source: Mingpao Daily News, June 13th, 2012, A01
中共官方對「六四」的定性 The CCP’s Official Statement on June 4th
1989年6月9日，中央軍委主席鄧小平接見戒嚴部隊，稱事件是「反革命暴亂」，讚揚軍隊平息暴亂。
後來中央統一口徑，稱之為「1989年春夏之交的政治風波」或「八十年代末春夏之交的那場政治風波」。
2018年12月及2019年9月，中央黨史和文獻研究院編寫的《改革開放四十年大事記》及為慶祝中共建政70年的《中華人民共和國大事記》，除沿用「政治風波」外，再次出現「反革命暴亂」定性。
「六四」在中國大陸至今仍是禁忌。
On June 9th, 1989, Deng Xiaoping, the chairman of the Central Military Commission, met with martial law troops and labelled the democracy demonstrations as“counter-revolutionary riot”. He praised the army for quelling it.
Later on, the central government adopted a uniform phrase, referring to the demonstrations as “political turmoil between the spring and summer of 1989” or “political turmoil between the spring and summer in the late 1980s”.
The Central Institute for Party History and Literature Research published two articles, “Major Events in the 40 Years of Reform and Opening” and “Major Events of Reform and Opening” for the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China in December 2018 and September 2019 respectively. In addition to the words “political turmoil”, the phrase “counter-revolutionary riot” also reappeared.
June 4th is still taboo in mainland China.
相關文物介紹：
1. 書籍 Books
官方出版的一系列平息暴亂書籍。
Books published by the authorities on the quelling of the “riots”.
2. 筆 Pen
內附寫上「國家安全部贈」紙張。
Includes a note with the words, “Gift from the Ministry of National Security”.
3. 「89.6.平息暴亂紀念」手錶 A watch “In memory of quelling the riots in June 1989”
由中共北京市委員會、北京市人民政府贈予首都戒嚴部隊，獎勵「有功」人員。手錶上有中共解放軍人頭像，下方寫著「89.6.平息暴亂紀念」。
A reward to “meritorious” martial law troops in the capital given by the Beijing Municipal Committee of the CCP and the Beijing Municipal People's Government. On the watch, there is a portrait of a soldier of the People's Liberation Army of the CCP and, at the bottom, the words “in memory of quelling the riots in June 1989”.
其他櫥窗櫃相關文物介紹：
北京大學學生簽名T-Shirt Peking University T-Shirt with Student Signatures
北京大學T-Shirt寫滿追求民主的學生簽名和志向，包括「六四」死難者吳向東、流亡學運領袖王丹、吾爾開希、柴玲等。T-Shirt由當年到北京採訪的香港記者蔡淑芳捐出。
The T-shirt is covered with signatures and the ambitions of students pursuing democracy, including those of June 4th victim, Wu Xiangdong, and exiled student leaders, Wang Dan, Wuer Kaixi, and Chai Ling. The T-shirt was donated by Choi Suk-fong, a Hong Kong journalist who conducted interviews in Beijing at the time.
吾爾開希當年在T-Shirt上簽名情景。Wuer Kaixi signing the T-Shirt.
民主歌聲獻中華 Concert for Democracy in China
1. 「民主歌聲獻中華」錄影帶 “Concert for Democracy in China” video tapes
1989年5月27日，香港演藝界在跑馬地馬場舉辦「民主歌聲獻中華」，持續12小時，逾20萬市民參與。
On May 27th, 1989, the Hong Kong entertainment industry held a “Concert for Democracy in China” at Happy Valley Racecourse lasting for 12 hours. More than 200,000 people participated.
2. 「民主歌聲獻中華」留名板（複印本）“Concert for Democracy in China” nameplate (replica)
簽名的演藝界人士包括：岑建勳、盧冠廷、劉天蘭、黃霑、張明敏、張堅庭、周啟生、吳國敬、黃德斌、蘇永康、梁李少霞、鄺美雲、陳欣健、張學友、羅美薇、阮兆祥、林敏聰、林敏怡、林利、陳友、麥德羅等。
Signed by the entertainers, John Shum, Lowell Lo, Tina Liu, James Wong, Ming-man Cheung, Alfred Cheung, Dominic Chow, Eddie Ng, Kenny Wong, William So, Vicky Leung, Cally Kwong, Philip Chan, Jacky Cheung, May Lo, Louis Yuen, Andrew Lam, Violet Lam, Lei Lam, Anthony Chan, Robert Mak and others.
3. 「民主歌聲獻中華」臂章 “Concert for Democracy in China” armbands
4. 「民主歌聲獻中華——1990 美加巡迴演唱」場刊及宣傳書籤 “Concert for Democracy in China: 1990 North American Tour” programme book and promotional bookmark
1990年，演藝界人士在海外巡迴演唱，以歌聲呼籲關注民運。參與的藝人包括：梅艷芳、黃耀明、葉德嫻、夏韶聲、羅大佑等。
In 1990, some entertainers toured overseas and called for attention to the democracy movement with their voices, including Anita Mui, Anthony Wong, Deanie Ip, Danny Summer, Ta-yu Lo and others.
「坦克人」原相海報 “Tank Man” poster developed from the original film
「坦克人」原相底片沖曬。2014年5月，國際特赦組織秘書長Salil Shetty參觀「六四紀念館」時贈送。
The poster was developed from the original film of “Tank Man” and was presented by Salil Shetty, Secretary General of Amnesty International, when he visited the June 4th Museum in May 2014.
八九民運文宣物品 Publicity Materials
刊物及單張 Publications and Leaflets
八九民運時，沒有今天蓬勃發展的社交媒體，在官方對新聞媒體嚴密控制下，學生和不同人士除了自辦廣播站、廣播車外，也自發印製刊物和單張，傳遞有關民主、自由、反腐敗、民運情況的訊息。這些出版物包括：《新聞導報》、《新聞快訊》、《絕食快訊》、《民主論壇》、工人自治組織傳單、各大學傳單等。
Nowadays social media flourishes but such a thing did not exist in 1989. Under strict governmental control of the news media, students and others not only ran their own radio stations and broadcast vans, but also made publications and leaflets to convey messages on democracy, freedom, anti-corruption and the democracy movement. These publications included “News Herald”, “News Express”, “Hunger Strike Express”, “Democracy Forum”, leaflets for workers’ autonomous organizations, and leaflets of various universities.
《新聞導報》“News Herald” ( 複印本 replica)
1989年4月底開始出版，由北京大學學生自治會發起，後期編輯部亦有其他北京院校加入。（更多《新聞導報》存放於本館圖書閣，歡迎閱覽。）
Started and published by the Peking University Students Autonomous Association from the end of April 1989. Later, students from other Beijing universities also joined the editorial department. (Copies of “News Herald” are available for reading in our library.)
《新聞快訊》“News Express”( 複印本 replica)
1989年5月22日開始出版，由北京新聞界、知識界和文化界合辦。（更多《新聞快訊》存放於本館圖書閣，歡迎閱覽。）
Co-published by the Beijing press, intellectuals and people from the cultural sector from May 22nd, 1989. (Copies of “News Express” are available for reading in our library.)
八九民運原始單張資料 Original leaflets of 1989 Democracy Movement
（更多原始單張存放於本館圖書閣，歡迎閱覽。Other leaflets are available for reading in our library.）
香港人在八九民運的參與 Hong Kong People's Involvement
1. 5月4日，香港大專院校仿效北京學生，從各自校園出發遊行至遮打花園集會。位置最遠的中文大學學生在上午8時半出發，步行10小時才到達。
On May 4th, Hong Kong tertiary institutions’ students followed the example of their counterparts in Beijing and marched from their campuses to join a rally in Charter Garden. The students from Chinese University of Hong Kong, which was farthest away, departed at 8:30 am on foot and arrived 10 hours later.
2. 八九民運期間，新華社門外被貼滿橫額、標語。今日的中聯辦還能容許這樣做嗎？
During the 1989 Democracy Movement, banners and slogans were mounted at the gate of Xinhua News Agency. Would the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government allow this to happen today?
3. 5月20日，4萬多香港人在8號風球高懸下上街示威。
On May 20th, more than 40,000 Hong Kong people took to the streets to demonstrate under typhoon signal no. 8.
4. 5月21日，《文匯報》社論開天窗，抗議北京戒嚴。今日的親中報章還會這樣嗎？
On May 21st, the editorial was submitted blank in the Wen Wei Po to protest Beijing martial law. Would pro-China newspapers dare to do this today?
5. 5月26日，約20萬青年冒雨在維園集會。
On May 26th, about 200,000 young people protested in Victoria Park in the rain.
1989年，香港人投入支持北京民主運動，並親身北上聲援；香港記者跑到最前線，勇敢報道民運最新情況。不少香港人都是這段歷史的見證者和參與者！
當民主運動在中國大陸被鎮壓，香港及海外人士成為延續民運火炬，聲援國內民運和維權人士重要力量。
每年6月4日晚上，數以萬計香港人風雨不改在維園集會，燃起燭光，悼念亡魂，呼喚良知，成為中共眼中的「刺」。
「六四」屠殺中被坦克輾斷雙腿的方政，形容維園燭光是「刺破黑暗的力量，照亮良心的光芒。」
In 1989, Hong Kong people fully supported the Beijing democracy movement. Some even ventured north to assist. Hong Kong journalists bravely reported the latest news on the democracy movement from the frontlines. Many Hong Kong people were witnesses and participants in this historical event.
When the democracy movement was suppressed in mainland China, people from Hong Kong and overseas played an important role in continuing the democracy movement and standing in solidarity with those in China fighting for democracy and rights.
On the evening of June 4th every year, tens of thousands of Hong Kong people gather in Victoria Park regardless of the weather. They light candles to commemorate the souls of the deceased and call for conscience. This scene has become a sting in the eye of the CCP.
June 4th victim, Fang Zheng, whose legs were crushed by a tank, described the Victoria Park candlelight vigil as “the power to pierce the darkness and the light to illuminate conscience.”
有關刊物資料
在互聯網未普及的時代，香港市民靠打電話、寫信、傳真、寄發資料回國內，突破中共的新聞封鎖和歪曲報道。有些大學生成立「突破新聞封鎖」組織。
In an era when the internet was not yet popular, Hong Kong people communicated with the Mainland by making phone call, writing letters, faxing messages, and mailing materials to break through the CCP ’s news blockade and distorted reports. Some university students set up a “break the news blockade” organization.
香港前往北京聲援的慰問團宣傳單張。Publicity leaflets of a goodwill mission from Hong Kong to Beijing.
《為自由》幾乎聚集了香港當時所有歌星合唱，包括：譚詠麟、成龍、劉德華、鄺美雲等，並曾登上香港電台「中文歌曲龍虎榜」。歌曲曾在天安門廣場播放，圖片可見北京的民主牆也張貼了歌譜。The recording of the song “For Freedom” gathered almost all the top pop singers in Hong Kong at that time, including Alan Tam, Jackie Chan, Andy Lau, and Cally Kwong, and made the “Chinese Pop Chart” of Radio Television Hong Kong. It was broadcast in Tiananmen Square. The photo depicts the musical score of the song posted on Democracy Wall in Beijing.
在「反送中」運動，香港人多次發起「三罷」。1989年「六四」屠殺後，支聯會曾發起「三罷」，並發出「十項通知」。後因6月7日凌晨滋事分子在旺角鬧事，以致集會和遊行臨時取消，「三罷」變作自願性質。不少工廠、工會和商店都響應罷工、罷市。In the Anti-Extradition Movement, Hong Kong people launched several labor and student strikes and called for boycotts of pro-CCP business activities. After the June 4th Massacre in 1989, Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China (the Alliance) initiated strikes and issued “Ten Notices”. Due to a breakout of disturbance in Mongkok caused by some troublemakers in the midnight of June 7th, the assembly and procession were cancelled and the strikes became voluntary. Many factories, trade unions and shops response to the call of strikes.
《工聯通訊》“FTU Press” (replica 複印本）
工聯會在1989年7月出版的通訊，介紹了該會在八九民運期間曾參與和舉辦的活動。1989年不少左派、親中人士和團體也支持北京學生爭取民主，譴責中共血腥鎮壓。可惜，其後他們陸續「轉軚」。Newsletter published by the Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions in July 1989 presented the activities that the Federation participated in and held during the 1989 Democracy Movement. Many leftists, pro-Chinese people and organizations also supported Beijing students in their fight for democracy and condemned the CCP's bloody suppression. It is a shame that they subsequently “u-turned”.
不同團體出版的刊物、單張，反映大家對當時局勢及未來發展的一些看法。
Different groups published their publications and leaflets to express their viewpoints on the current situations and future development.
《民主大學》通訊 “University of Democracy” newsletter (replica 複印本）
1989年，北京學生和知識界在天安門廣場成立「民主大學」，可惜這所「大學」只存活一天，就在6月4日血腥鎮壓中被摧毀。一班香港朋友在香港復辦「民主大學」，共辦了15年，舉辦課程、論壇、研習班、出版刊物。連前立法會主席曾鈺成、建制派人士梁美芬也曾擔任講者。In 1989, Beijing students and intellectuals established “University of Democracy” in Tiananmen Square. Unfortunately, this “university” survived only one day and was destroyed in the bloody crackdown in June 4th. Therefore, a group of Hong Kong people reopened the “University of Democracy” in Hong Kong and ran for 15 years, holding courses, forums, seminars, publishing books and magazines. Even the former Legislative Council President Jasper Tsang and the pro-establishment Priscilla Leung served as speakers.
《民主潮》“Democracy Tide” (replica 複印本）
支聯會在八九民運期間出版的《民主潮》。Published by the Alliance during 1989 Democracy Movement.
《民運脈搏》及《信息》“Pulse of the Democracy Movement” and “Information” (replica 複印本）
支聯會曾出版給海外團體知悉內地民主、人權狀況的《民運脈搏》，以及寄到內地突破新聞封鎖的《信息》。曾有《信息》收件人因此被判刑。The Alliance published the “Pulse of the Democracy Movement” informing overseas organizations about the situation of democracy and human rights in China and “Information”, mailed to the mainland China to break the news blockade. A recipient of “Information” was sentenced as a result.
八九民運與「反送中」運動模式 Modes of the Movements
人民勇敢站出來反抗強權的歷史上，抗爭的手法有很多相近地方；然而，由於身處不同時空，受到社會環境及不同抗爭經驗影響，手法也會有所差異。
極權統治者也會「進化」，懂得利用新科技、經濟和各種軟硬的手段，分化、動員，甚至假民主和法治之名踐行打壓之實。人民應如何從過往抗爭模式中學習，以促成社會變革？應汲取前人經驗教訓，減少失誤，更要團結力量、掌握形勢、善用科技、重點出擊，才能達致成功。
In the history of people bravely standing up against the power, there are many similar methods of resistance. However different approaches may be applied due to different situations encountered in the past and are affected furtherly by different social environments and fighting experiences.
Totalitarian rulers will also “evolve” and know how to use new technology, economy, and various techniques to carry out differentiation, mobilization, and even practice suppression in the name of democracy and the rule of law. How should the people learn from past struggles to promote social change? One should learn from the experience and lessons of the predecessors to reduce mistakes, to unite the forces, to master the situation, to make good use of technology, and focus on attacks to win.
1. 佔領廣場v.s.流動佔領、遍地開花 Occupation of Public Space v.s. Widespread, Fluid Protest
八九民運以天安門廣場為中心，學生在廣場靜坐、集會、紮營駐守和絕食，並成立廣場指揮部、糾察隊等。
The 1989 Democracy Movement centered on Tiananmen Square, where the students sat, gathered, camped and hunger striked and set up Square headquarters and picket teams.
經歷「雨傘運動」(傘運)後，「反送中」運動不死守一個地方，展現「Be Water (上善若水)」精神。行動地點遍地開花，擴展至全港各區。
After the Umbrella Movement, the Anti-Extradition Movement never locked into one location, demonstrating the spirit of “Be Water”. The location of operation blossomed everywhere and expanded to all districts in Hong Kong.
2. 有大台與無大台 With or Without Central Leadership
八九民運以學生組織和學生領袖作為核心領導，負起決策、組織、廣場管理、與政府對話等任務。
The 1989 Democracy Movement took student organizations and student leaders as the leadership skeleton, which was responsible for decision-making, organizing, Square management and dialogue with the government.
「傘運」時，已存在「不要大台」和「去中心化」（無領導團體和領導人）。來到「反送中」，「無大台」和「去中心化」更加明顯。參與者主要透過網絡討論區連登(LIHKG)、社交媒體Telegram等「平台」討論和擬定行動部署。不過，亦不能忽略一些組織在背後的支援。
During Umbrella Movement, “no big stage” and “decentralization” were already in place. When Anti-Extradition Movement was forming, the above two characteristics became even more obvious. It did not rely on any groups or leaders. Participants mainly discussed, mobilized and made decisions through platforms such as the LIHKG and social media Telegram. However, behind-the-scene support by some organizations should not be ignored.
3. 從「和理非」到勇武抗爭 From “Non-Violent” to “Fierce” Protests
八九民運期間，縱然曾發生警民衝突（如4月20日衝擊新華門），但直至軍隊入城血腥屠殺前，基本上以「和平、理性、非暴力」方式進行。北京學生主要透過罷課、遊行、演講、對話、絕食等溫和方式爭取。
During the 1989 Democracy Movement, even if there were police-civilian clashes (such as the impact of the Xinhua Gate on April 20th), the entire movement was basically carried out in a “peaceful, rational and non-violent” manner until the bloody massacre by troops entering the city. Beijing students mainly strived for such gentle methods as strikes, rallies, speeches, dialogue and hunger strikes.
「傘運」延續一向的「和理非」抗爭方式，強調公民抗命。但在政府漠視民意及警察濫暴下，「反送中」前線示威者不停把行動升級，已不單是公民抗命，而是用更激烈的方法出擊。不少主張「和理非」的香港人，即使不完全贊同「勇武派」的行動，也傾向愈來愈接受和同情激烈的方式，堅持「兄弟爬山，各自努力」。
In the Anti-Extradition Movement, in the face of the government ignoring public opinion and police brutality, frontline protesters escalated their actions. Many people who advocated” peaceful, rational and non-violent”, even if they did not fully agree with the actions of the “brave warriors”, tended to increasingly accept and sympathize with their fierce way, insisting on “brothers climbing the mountain and working hard on their own”.
4. 團結、全民參與和百花齊放 Unity, Mass Participation and Diversity
八九民運及「反送中」都是全民參與、跨階層的運動。前者歷時50多天，後者跨越的時間更長，都有不同活動讓群眾參與，令情緒愈趨一體化，集體意識更強。
The 1989 Democracy Movement and the Anti-Extradition Movement were mass participated and cross-class movements. The former lasted for more than 50 days; while the latter spanned longer. There were a variety of ways that people could participate in, which lead to greater unity and stronger collective spirit.
八九民運由北京大學生發起，漸遍及全國各地及社會各界，包括：黨政軍人員、體制內外人士、知識界、新聞界、工人、中學生等都團結聲援，例如聯署、絕食、組織敢死隊、架設路障、向入城的戒嚴部隊解說真相等。
在香港，社會各界不分左中右，齊心支持民運、譴責中共政府的血腥鎮壓。
The 1989 Democracy Movement was initiated by university students in Beijing and gradually spread throughout the country, and all sectors of society, including: party and government personnel, people inside and outside the system, intellectuals, the press, workers, and high school students. They took to the streets to protest and showed their support through joint petitions, marches and hunger strikes. The people of Beijing even set up roadblocks to explain the truth to martial law troops entering the city.
In Hong Kong, people from different sectors, regardless of left and right, supported the pro-democracy movement, condemned the bloody crackdown by the Chinese government.
在「反送中」運動，左右壁壘分明，例如「黃絲」與「藍絲」之間的對立。但「和理非」與「勇武派」參與者相比起「傘運」時的分裂，在「反送中」運動卻更加團結，是運動能持續的原因之一。
隨著社會進步，「反送中」運動的年輕人和其他社會階層所採用的抗爭形式更多元化，由聯署、籌款、遊行、刊登海外廣告，到不合作運動、三罷、快閃行動、黃色經濟圈等，各適其適。
In Anti-Extradition Movement, the Pro-democracy camp and Pro-establishment camp are extremely divided. However, when comparing the break-up situation during the Umbrella Movement, the “non-violent group” and “the valiant” show more mutual understanding and solidarity in the Anti-Extradition Movement. This is one of the reasons why the movement can be sustainable.
With progress of society, the forms of protest adopted by young people of the Anti-Extradition Movement have been more diverse. From joint petitions, fundraising, marches, overseas advertising, non-cooperative actions, three strikes (business, labor and student), flash actions, to the Yellow Economic Circle, etc. were organized suiting each other’s interest.
5. 資訊科技大躍進 Deployment of Changing Information Technology
八九民運時，信息的傳遞主要透過傳統方式如大字報、傳單、報章、刊物，以及廣場上的廣播、人與人之間口耳相傳等。當時互聯網尚未普及，許多記者要千方百計將菲林、錄影帶運出中國，才使外界得知北京的情況。
During the 1989 Democracy Movement, the transmission of information was mainly through traditional methods such as big-character posters, leaflets, newspapers, publications, etc., as well as the broadcasting on the Square, and verbal communication among the people.
At that time, the Internet was not yet popular, and many reporters had to do everything possible to transport the films and videotapes out of China to make the outside world aware of the situation in Beijing.
「反送中」運動期間，除了傳統通訊方法外，抗爭者更善於運用各種通訊軟件、社交媒體網絡，如在Telegram平台設立文宣、物資、戰略、起底、哨兵等不同組別，讓各人按自己專業和時間投入運動；利用Airdrop散播抗爭信息、照片等；甚至開發一些顯示警方位置的應用程式，使群眾能夠即時集結、靈活移動。
During the Anti-Extradition Movement, in addition to traditional communication methods, the protestants were better at using various communication software and social media networks, such as establishing different groups on the Telegram platform such as publicity, materials, strategy, exposing backgrounds, and sentry. Everyone put in their expertise and time, used Airdrop to disseminate protest information, photos, etc., and even develops positioning apps to show the location of the police, so that the masses can immediately gather or move flexibly.
6. 運動「國際化」Globalizing the Movement
八九民運時，全球以遊行、示威聲援。北京學生發表《告香港同胞書》及發起「全球華人大遊行」，呼籲世界各地華人支持。30多年來，支聯會、國際人權組織、流亡異見人士等，一直努力推動國際游說工作，把「六四」屠殺及中國人權問題帶到國際，例如：1990年代推動美國把中國人權問題與「最惠國待遇」掛鈎、要求中國簽署國際人權公約、到各國領事館請願等。
The world supported the 1989 Democracy Movement with rallies and demonstrations. Beijing students published a “Message to compatriots in Hong Kong” and Chinese people around the world held solidarity rallies. For more than 30 years, the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China, international human rights organizations, and dissidents in exile have been promoting international lobbying and bringing the June 4th Massacre and China ’s human rights issues to the world’s attention, for example, advocating that China’s “most favoured nation” trade status in the United States be linked to human rights, demanding China sign international human rights conventions, submitting reports on June 4th and human rights in China to the United Nations Human Rights councils, and lobbying foreign governments.
「反送中」參與者積極推動把運動國際化，包括：眾籌在G20峰會於全球各地報章刊登「反送中」廣告、到各國駐港領事館請願、發動各類網上聯署、舉辦集會、推動美國通過《香港民主及人權法案》、舉辦「全球反極權大遊行」等。
During the Anti-Extradition Movement, participants actively attempted to draw global attention to the amendment of the extradition law. They organized crowdfunding to publish advertisements in newspapers around the world in the lead-up to the G20 Summit, petitioned consulates in Hong Kong, and initiated various online petitions. They held rallies requesting the United States to pass the Hong Kong Democracy and Human Rights Act. They liaised with Hong Kong solidarity groups around the world to hold protests abroad in support of Hong Kong.
思考問題
Further Thinking Questions
1. 試舉出八九民運與「反送中」運動抗爭模式異同之處。
Cite the similarities and differences between the 1989 Democracy Movement and the Anti-Extradition Movement.
2. 有甚麼因素影響八九民運與「反送中」的運動模式？
What factors influence the patterns of 1989 Democracy Movement and the Anti-Extradition Movement?
3. 你認為社會運動應否堅持「非暴力」原則？
Do you think that social movements should adhere to the principles of “non-violence”?
4. 你認為武力抗爭手法對社會運動有何利弊？
In your opinion, what are the pros and cons of the use of force in social movements?
參與者故事 Participants’ Stories
人物是社會運動的靈魂。八九民運和「反送中」，是當代中國動員最廣的兩場社會運動，同樣地有年輕勇敢的抗爭者，有無私無畏的後援者，也有帶着「六四」記憶投身「反送中」的年長守護者。
Characters are the soul of social movements. The 1989 Democracy Movement and the Anti-Extradition Movement are the two most widely mobilized social movements in contemporary China. They both had young and brave protesters, selfless and fearless supporters, and elderly guardians who devoted to the Anti-Extradition Movement with the memories of June 4th.
遺書 Wills
我作好了與學生同在的準備，就是死了也在所不惜，這是為了民主、自由，國家興亡，匹夫有責……請你們原諒我，我是愛你們的，永遠愛你們。
I am ready to be with the students, even if I die. This is for the sake of democracy and freedom. We are all responsible for the rise and fall of the country... Please forgive me. I love you, and always love you.
——21歲「六四」死難者吳向東
- Wu Xiangdong, 21-year-old victim of June 4th Massacre
如果發生什麼事，我不能平安回家，你們不要難過，因為你們的女兒、孫女是帶著信念離開……即使你們不了解我走上街頭的原因，也希望你們能體諒我的倔強，為我的勇敢驕傲。
If something happens and I can’t return home safely, please don’t be sad because your daughter and granddaughter has left with firm belief… Even if you don’t understand the reason why I took to the street, I hope you can understand my commitment and be proud of my bravery.
——20歲「反送中」抗爭者 Tina(化名)
- Tina (pseudonym), 20-year-old fighter in the Anti-Extradition Movement
八九民運期間，許多學生以絕食方式抗議，並寫好遺書表達誓死的決心。「反送中」運動初期，數名年輕人也留下遺書，以死控訴政府；其後運動愈演愈烈、鎮壓愈益殘酷，但許多年輕人依然捨命抗爭，帶着遺書上前線。正是這班年輕人的犧牲精神，發揮了強烈的情感動員力，令更多人投身運動。
During the 1989 Democracy Movement, many students protested by hunger strike and wrote their wills to express their determination to swear to death. In the early days of the Anti-Extradition Movement, several young people also made their wills to sue the government for death. Later, the campaign intensified and the repression became more brutal. Yet many young people still continued the struggle and brought their wills with them to the frontline. This sacrificial spirit of young people has exerted a strong emotional mobilization force, causing more people to join the movement.
天安門母親 / 香港媽媽 “Tiananmen Mothers” Group / Hong Kong Mothers
至愛的親人們，我們知道，無論我們如何守望，你們都不可能回家。我們所堅定守望的，僅僅是那遲到的正義……在30年來的守靈與守望之中，我們也飽受失望的折磨，但我們絕不會放棄，將繼續堅持！
Dear beloved ones, we know that no matter how long we keep on waiting, you will never come home. Yet we firmly believe that justice will prevail in the end. For 30 years, we have united and supported one another. Though unified over the past 30 years, we have also been tormented by disappointment. But we will never give up and will fight on!
——「天安門母親」群體公開信 Open letter from the “Tiananmen Mothers” Group
不想似天安門母親，不希望要在30年之後，仍要為子女奔波，爭取事件定性為「非暴動」；我們要在子女未被槍殺前組織起來。
We don’t want to be like the Tiananmen Mothers. We don’t want to run around for our children after 30 years, and strive for the incident to be characterized as “non-riot”.
We have to organize before our children are shot.
——香港媽媽反送中集氣大會 Hong Kong Mothers Anti-Extradition Rally
「天安門母親」是一群「六四」受難者親屬組織起來的團體，致力搜尋「六四」死難者資料，要求「真相、賠償、問責」，多年來備受打壓。30年後，有一批香港媽媽也組織起來，守護她們的下一代。2019年6月14日的「香港媽媽反送中集氣大會」，高舉「Don’t shoot our kids」標語； 7月5日的「香港媽媽」集會，強調和青年站在一起。
“Tiananmen Mothers” is a group organized by relatives of victims of June 4th. It is dedicated to search for information about the victims of June 4th and demand “truth, compensation and accountability”. They have been frequently suppressed for many years. 30 years later, a group of Hong Kong mothers also organized to protect their next generation. On June 14th, 2019, 6,000 attended the Hong Kong Mothers Anti-Extradition Rally and held slogans exhorting, “Don't shoot our kids”. On July 5th, another 8,000 people joined a second Hong Kong Mothers’ rally to show solidarity with young people.
擋坦克 / 擋子彈 Blocking Tanks / Blocking Bullets
「沒有從天而降的英雄，只有挺身而出的凡人」。在關鍵時刻，總有一些「凡人」展現出過人的勇氣，成就了運動中極具象徵意義的一幕。
1989年6月5日，一名身著白衫黑褲、手拿膠袋的青年在東長安街上孤身阻擋一列坦克前進，直至被不明身分的人拉走。「坦克人」自此成為人類對抗暴政的勇氣象徵。
2019年8月25日，香港警方轟出「反送中」運動第一槍實彈，並用真槍指向示威者，一名身著背心短褲、手持雨傘的大叔衝到槍口前，跪求警察不要開槍，但被警員一腳踢倒，大叔站起來繼續張開雙手護衛民眾，被稱為「香港坦克人」。
On June 5th, 1989, a young man in a white shirt and black trousers with a plastic bag in his hand, blocked a column of tanks on East Chang’an Avenue until he was dragged away by unknown persons. This image became a symbol of human courage to stand up against tyranny.
On August 25th, 2019, Hong Kong police blasted the first live ammunition in the Anti-Extradition Movement and pointed the real guns at demonstrators. An uncle dressed in a vest and shorts and holding an umbrella rushed up to the muzzle and begged the police not to shoot. The police officer kicked him over, but the uncle stood up and spread his arms to protect the people, known as “Hong Kong Tankman”.
飛虎隊 / 家長車隊 Flying Tigers / Parent Drivers
八九民運期間，北京民眾自發組成電單車隊為學生運送物資，被稱為「飛虎隊」；戒嚴令實施後，飛虎隊四處傳遞軍隊進城的消息，呼籲民眾前往阻攔，冒死保護學生。
「反送中」運動期間，每逢警方清場圍捕示威者，「家長」車隊便會出動「接放學」；9.1機場「和你塞」活動，多達5,000架車駛去東涌義載示威者，被譽為「港版鄧寇克撤退大行動」。
During the 1989 Democracy Movement, Beijing residents spontaneously formed motorcycle fleet, called “Flying Tigers”, to deliver materials to students. After martial law was implemented, the Flying Tigers circulated news of the army entering the city, calling on people to stop the army and protect the students.
During the Anti-Extradition Movement, every time the police clear the field to round up the demonstrators, the “parent drivers” would dispatch to “pick them after school”. After a protest at the airport on September 1st, as police were closing in, as many as 5,000 vehicles drove out to Tung Chung to pick up the demonstrators. The action was hailed as “Hong Kong’s Dunkirk Big Retreat”.
區議員 District Councilors
2019年的區議會選舉是一場民意公投，無數抗爭者的堅持和犠牲，換來了民主派的大勝，當選區議員肩負着宣揚民主、維繫民意的重任。不少議會「素人」的政治啟蒙來自八九民運，他們在區內擺街站、辦講座，將民主的種子撒播出去……
The District Council election in 2019 was a referendum. The perseverance and sacrifice of countless demonstrators earned the victory of the democrats. The elected District Councilors shoulder the important tasks of promoting democracy and maintaining public support. The political enlightenment of many “ordinary people turning councilors” came from the 1989 Democracy Movement. They set up street stalls and give talks in the districts to spread the seeds of democracy…
中六開始參加「六四」燭光集會，愈來愈明白民主很重要，中國一日還是一黨專政，香港就沒有好日子過。
我可能是較後勤的角色，向不清楚這場運動的街坊講解，做民主教育工作，甚至令「藍絲」轉變為「黃絲」的同伴、手足。
I started participating in the June 4th candlelight vigil from Secondary 6. It becomes clearer and clearer that democracy is very important. As long as China remains a one-party dictatorship, we won’t have any good life in Hong Kong.
My role is likely more at the back end to explain to those in the neighborhood that are not clear about the movement, conduct democratic education, and even turn those taking political stance of “blue” to become comrades of the “yellow”.
——林兆彬 Ben Lam
6.12，催淚煙攻上政總天橋，我看不到東西，不斷流眼淚，大家不知走往何處，想起「六四」當晚鎮壓的情況，人們在混亂中逃難……那一刻很深刻，特別是那種哭，不單是因為催淚彈，而是感慨，為何政府、警察會這樣？
見有些人走到好前，為平等、人權、民主、自由等等，犧牲自己生命，這點很打動人心……別人付出那麼多，自己也要付出一點。
On June 12th, as the tear gas rose to the overpass of Central Government Offices, I was not able to see with tears dropping continuously. No one knew where to go. This reminded me of the repression occurred on the night of June 4th when people fled in confusion… that moment was most profound because of crying, not only due to tear gas but because of the emotions. Why the government and the police did this?
It was very touching as some at the forefront sacrificed their lives for equality, human rights, democracy, freedom etc.… Since others contributed so much, I have to contribute too.
——張錦雄 Kenneth Cheung
銀髮族 Elderly
Silver-haired elders are often seen participating in the Anti-Extradition Movement. They are fully equipped like young people with helmets, eye masks, respirators and yellow vests. They hold flowers at the forefront and speak to the police officers earnestly so as to act as a buffer for protecting the demonstrators. They witnessed and vividly remember the massacre of June 4th, and they wish for no more bloodshed.
最不能接受特區政府將青年學生的行動標明為「動亂」，等於當年八九天安門的學生運動被定性為「反革命」。
年青一代未來怎樣，會否在不自由和恐慌中生活。我感到年青人這次走出來，完全有他們足夠的理由。
The most unacceptable is that the SAR Government labelled the actions of young people as “turbulence”, which is equivalent to the student movement in Tiananmen Square in 1989 being characterized as “counter-revolutionary”.
What will be the future of the younger generation and whether they will live without freedom and in fear. I feel the young people coming out this time have every reason for themselves.
——麥洛新 Lok-sun Mak
我們搞活動時，年輕人也會來支持，很感受到兩代人之間的互相支持、關懷……香港是大家都有份的，不覺得需要有「誰欠了誰」的心態。
「反送中」是一場保衛戰，與八九民運的爭取自由民主很不同……我們原本擁有的被拿走，反應會更大。
Young people also come to support the activities we organize, and we can easily feel the mutual support and care between the two generations… Hong Kong belongs to us all, and we don’t need to have the mentality of “who owes who”.
Anti-Extradition Movement is a defensive battle which is very different from the 1989 Democracy Movement that strived for freedom and democracy... As what we originally have are now being taken away, the reaction is much stronger.
——楊寶熙 Po-hei Yeung
記者 Journalists
The role of journalists is indispensable in both movements for they reveal the truth with their pens and cameras, record history, and even become a part of history as witnesses of historical events. “Perhaps later one day, when we have to come out to speak that protesters were indeed hit by clubs and bullets…” said frontline reporter Ronson Chan.
年輕人畢竟是年輕人，就算再強的反抗，最後都會問「我們做錯甚麼？要這樣對我們？」
我很期望有生之年能夠做到平反「六四」的報道，在這日來到前，我希望自己能撐住。
After all, young people are young people. Even resisting vigorously, eventually they still ask, “What have we done wrong? Why are we treated in this way?” I very much hope that I will be able to report the vindication of June 4th in my life, and I hope I can hold on till that day.
——陳朗昇 Ronson Chan
兩者有一共通處，就是民主要靠自己走出來……人民的聲音最直接最真實，由北大到天安門，由維園到中環，都是用自己的腳走出來。——楊健興 Chris Yeung
情況愈困難，愈突顯記者的重要性，如果我們放棄了，不但放棄了自己的信念、使命，也是背棄了市民、背棄了社會。
The two movements have one thing in common, which is that we are on our own to strive for democracy... The people's voice is the most direct and genuine. From Peking University to Tiananmen Square, and from Victoria Park to Central, people demanded with their own feet.
The more difficult the situation is, the more important the role of journalists. If we give up, we not only give up our beliefs and missions, but also go against the expectations of the public and the society.
極權統治者會「進化」？ Do Totalitarian Rulers “Evolve”?
八九民運與「反送中」面對同一極權統治者。前中共總書記趙紫陽的秘書鮑彤認為，「二零一九超過八九六四。『六四』集中屠殺了一夜一天。香港的刺殺和凌遲，業已成了這個新時代的狂宴和常態。」如果說，「六四」鎮壓模式是主戰場的硬碰硬，那麼現時的鎮壓則是化整為零、逐步升級，同時發動文宣攻勢，挑動不同族群對立，老招數加上新模式，極權統治者的鎮壓手法可謂隨時代「進化」。
1989 Democracy Movement and Anti-Extradition Movement faced the same totalitarian ruler. Bao Tong, secretary of former CCP General Secretary Zhao Ziyang, stated, “2019 surpassed 1989. The massacre on June 4th was just overnight. But the slow torture and execution of Hong Kong has become the ecstatic feast and norm of this new era.” If the June 4th repression model was a tough one in the main battlefield, the current mode of repression is breaking up the whole into parts, which escalate gradually, with a variety of tactics such as offensive propaganda, and provoking opposition among rivalry camp. As new methods are added to old tricks, the totalitarian ruler’s repression is “evolving” over time.
抺黑民間抗爭運動，為暴力鎮壓製造依據，是當權者慣用伎倆。1989年4月26日《人民日報》社論將學運定性為「動亂」，2018年中共再次將運動定性為「動亂」、「反革命暴亂」。「反送中」運動期間，中共和特區政府不斷強調「止暴制亂」，以「恐怖主義」抹黑整個民間抗爭運動。
中共抨擊自由派知識分子包括嚴家其、陳子明、劉曉波等是八九民運的「幕後黑手」，策劃和煽動了一場「動亂」。「反送中」運動，中央及特區政府歸咎「外國勢力」，批評外國勢力資助、煽動香港的示威活動，推卸自身管治失當的責任。
抺黑 Vilification
It is a common tactic used by those in power to vilify civil resistant movements to create the basis for violent repression. The editorial of the People’s Daily on April 26th 1989 characterized the student movement as “turmoil”. Even in 2018, the CCP still characterized the movement as “turmoil” and “counter-revolutionary riot”. During the Anti-Extradition Movement, the CCP and HKSAR Government continued to emphasize “stop violence and suppress chaos” and smear the entire civil resistance movement as “terrorism”.
The CCP criticized liberal intellectuals including Yan Jiaqi, Chen Ziming, and Liu Xiaobo, etc. as the “black hands” behind the 1989 Democracy Movement, planning and inciting a “turmoil”. During the Anti-Extradition Movement, the CCP and HKSAR Government blamed “foreign forces” for funding and inciting demonstrations in Hong Kong in order to shirk their responsibility for improper governance.
1989年的北京，中共對手無寸鐵的市民、學生大開殺戒，出動坦克、裝甲車撞殺人民，強行開往天安門廣場清場，死傷無數。2019年的香港，雖沒有坦克上街、實彈掃射的場面，但武警在深圳進行抗暴演練，威嚇港人；香港警方肆意發射催淚彈、橡膠子彈、布袋彈等，水炮車橫行，防暴警無差別襲擊市民和記者；加上無數墮樓、浮屍疑案，警方均以無可疑而不加處理，慘烈程度不下「六四」。
八九民運發生在首都心臟地帶，牽扯派系鬥爭，中共害怕運動會動搖政權，故從速解決，不惜以大屠殺清場。香港地理位置遠離中共政治中心，「反送中」運動並非關乎政權生死問題，而且英美等國家在港有深遠的經濟和政治利益，故中共採取拖延戰術。
In Beijing in 1989, the CCP slaughtered unarmed civilians and students, dispatched tanks and armored vehicles to kill the people, and forcibly drove to Tiananmen Square to clear the scene, causing countless deaths and injuries. In Hong Kong in 2019, although there were no tanks on the street or scenes of live ammunition, the armed police conducted anti-riot drills in Shenzhen to intimidate the Hong Kong people. The Hong Kong police recklessly fired tear gas, rubber bullets, bean bag rounds, pepper spray, and water cannon at the people. Riot police also indiscriminately attacked the citizens and reporters. In addition, countless mysterious cases of bodies falling off the buildings and floating corpses found at sea were treated as no suspicious surrounding their death and hence not to be followed up by the police. Hence, the brutality and casualty of the Anti-Extradition Movement was no less severe than that of June 4th Massacre.
The 1989 Democracy Movement took place in the heart of the capital and involved intra-party factional struggles. The CCP feared that the movement would tumble the regime, so it promptly resolved it with a massacre. As Hong Kong is far from the center of power and the Anti-Extradition Movement was not about the survival of the regime. Moreover, Britain and the United States have profound economic and political interests in Hong Kong. Therefore, the CCP adopted delaying tactics in Hong Kong.
清算 Purge
「六四」屠殺後，中共隨即對運動參與者進行大搜捕、大清算。香港各界人士出錢出力，發起「黃雀行動」，冒生命危險從中國救出數百人。
「反送中」運動截至2020年5月中旬，被捕人數逾8,300，近600人被控「暴動罪」，部分示威者被迫流亡海外。當局濫捕濫控，進行大規模政治打壓，包括民主黨創黨主席李柱銘、公民黨執業大律師吳靄儀等十多名民主派人士被捕。
After the June 4th Massacre, the CCP immediately launched mass arrests and widespread purges. Hong Kong people contributed money and risked their lives in launching the “Operation Yellowbird” to rescue several hundred people from China.
Until the middle of May 2020, more than 8,300 people have been arrested and nearly 600 people were charged with rioting in the Anti-Extradition Movement. Some protestors were forced to go into exile overseas. The authority kept on conducting indiscriminate arrests and prosecution. Massive political oppression is carried on. More than a dozen Hong Kong high-profile democracy figures were arrested, including the founding chairman of Democratic Party Martin Lee Chu-ming and executive committee member of the Civic Party and Barrister Margaret Ng Ngoi-yee.
逃責 Evading Responsibility
1995年以來，「天安門母親」群體每年向全國人大常委會發表公開信，要求獨立、公正調查「六四」真相，公布死者數目及名單，賠償受難者及其親屬，以及追究當權者的法律責任，但當局從未正式回應。
2019年「反送中」運動，「612」警方武力鎮壓後，示威者提出成立獨立調查委員會，獲得八成民意支持，但政府企硬拒絶。當權者害怕真相曝光，不想負起刑責、賠償，用盡方法掩飾甚至篡改歷史。
Since 1995, “Tiananmen Mothers” Group has published open letters to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress every year, requesting for an independent and impartial investigation of the truth of June 4th, and to publish the number and the list of the dead, to compensate the victims and their relatives, and to hold those in power accountable for their wrong deeds. But the authorities has never formally responded.
In the Anti-Extradition Movement of 2019, after the “June 12th” police force cracked down, the demonstrators demanded the establishment of an independent investigation committee to investigate the matter. The demand was supported by over 80% of the people through public opinion survey, but the government refused to do so. Hence, those in power are often afraid of exposing the truth, and do not want to take criminal responsibility, and to compensate the victims, but to use all possible methods to cover up, or even tamper with history.
結語 Conclusion
近年全球出現民主退潮、專制回潮的勢頭，中國挾着強大經濟力量，將一套以專制統治帶動經濟增長的發展模式向全球擴散，抗衡西方的民主人權發展模式。香港，這個中國邊陲城市，將成為專政與民主交鋒的最前線。
2019年的「反送中」運動被稱為「流水革命」(Water Revolution)，不但凸顯這場運動的特色，也點出民主運動所須具備的條件：涓流不息、水滴石穿。香港反抗力量的爆發並非偶然，有着長年的累積，八九民運無疑是重要源頭，此後香港經歷大大小小運動，如反《基本法》第23條惡法、反高鐵、反國民教育、「雨傘運動」等，以及呼應內地的維權和民主運動如《零八憲章》聯署、聲援維權律師……抗爭經驗的積累和改進，終形成「反送中」的空前規模。
香港中文大學馬嶽教授認為，這場運動已不是單純的守護一城的自由之戰，而是代表了自由世界抵抗專制權力的擴張；香港作為多年的自由城市國際都會，能否保住自由身份，具有重要象徵意義。香港人在運動中展現的勇氣和力量，不但為香港在極權統治下保留抗爭的火種，更為世界各地的公民社會作出啟發與貢獻。
潮漲潮退有時，但民主洪流終是擋不住，正如台灣歷史學者吳叡人在「2019.9.29反極權」集會所言：「當流水匯聚成洪水，將會沖垮極權帝國。」
The 2019 Anti-Extradition Movement was called the "Water Revolution". Not only did it highlight the characteristics of this movement, but it also pointed out the conditions that a democratic movement must have: the flow of an endless stream, and the power of water drops to wear stones. The outbreak of Hong Kong's resistance forces was not accidental. It has accumulated for many years. The 1989 Democracy Movement was undoubtedly an important source. Since then, Hong Kong has experienced large and small movements, the accumulation and improvement of the resistance experience have finally paved the way for the unprecedented scale of Anti-Extradition Movement.
Professor Ma Ngok of the Chinese University of Hong Kong believes that this movement is no longer simply a battle to protect a city for freedom, but represents the free world's resistance to the expansion of authoritarian power. As a free international cosmopolitan city for many years, whether Hong Kong can maintain its free status has crucial symbolic meaning. The courage and strength of the people of Hong Kong demonstrated in the movement has not only preserved the flames of struggle for Hong Kong under totalitarian rule, but also inspired and contributed to civil society around the world.
Tide rises and recedes at intervals, but the torrent of democracy will eventually be unstoppable. As Dr. Wu Ruiren, a Taiwanese historian said at the September 29th, 2019 Anti-Totalitarianism Assembly in Taipei, “Water will become flood, the empire will fall.”
