六四屠殺三十周年「記憶.公義.希望」Memory. Justice. Hope -The 30th anniversary of the June 4 massacre

展期:2019年4月29日(2020年因新型冠狀病毒肆虐期間休館)


六四屠殺三十周年「記憶.公義.希望」Memory. Justice. Hope -The 30th anniversary of the June 4 massacre

  • 六四死難者 The “June 4th” Victims
  • 中共的定性 Position of The Chinese Government
  • 傷亡數字 — 你會相信誰﹖Numbers of Casualties — Who Do You Believe?
  • 維園燭海 Sea Of Candlelight In Victoria Park 
  • 海外支運 Democracy Movement In Overseas 
  • 民間見證及堅持 The People Bear Witness and Persist
  • 組黨運動 The Formation of Independent Political Parties
  • 憲章運動 The Charter Movements
  • 新公民運動 The New Citizens’ Movement
  • 維權運動 The Rights Defence Movement基層民運 Grassroots Democracy
  • 反人大釋法 Protesting The Interpretation of The Basic Law by The National People’s Congress Standing Committee
  • 反《23》條惡法 The March Against Article 23 Legislation
  • 反洗腦運動 The Anti-National Education Movement
  • 反暴力撐新聞自由 Defending Freedom of The Press and Opposing Attacks on It
  • 「七一」遊行 The July 1st March
  • 雨傘運動 The Umbrella Movement
  • 爭取平反•正視歷史 Vindication and Reveal the Past
  • 南韓「光州事件」Gwangju Incident, South Korea
  • 台灣「二二八事件」“February 28th Incident” in Taiwan
  • 南非 South Africa
  • 「蘇東波」(蘇聯、東歐改革浪潮)Wave of reforms in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe
  • 茉莉花革命/阿拉伯之春Jasmine Revolution / Arab Spring


「六四」鎮壓 The “June 4th” Crackdown

6月3日晚10時起,戒嚴部隊以坦克車、裝甲車掃除路障,撞殺人牆,強行開往天安門廣場血腥鎮壓民主運動。

軍人從木樨地、復興門、六部口至建國門一帶的長安街,大開殺戒,死傷無數。英勇民眾冒險搶救受傷學生和市民。

6月4日凌晨,軍隊進駐天安門廣場清場,學生和市民被迫撤走。民主女神像遭坦克推倒輾毀。

軍隊於6月4日早上和下午繼續向民眾開槍,傷亡人數無法估計。

一些死難者死於俗稱「炸子」的達姆彈(射入人體後彈頭爆開,以增加殺傷力。因過份殘忍而被國際禁用)。

From 10 p.m. on June 3rd, tanks and armored vehicles of the Martial Law Forces drove through roadblocks, ran over citizens who had linked arms to form human chains, and eventually entered Tiananmen Square to put down the democracy movement.

The troops inflicted heavy casualties at the Muxidi, Fuxingmen, Lubuhou and Jianguomen intersections along Changan Avenue. Many brave citizens risked their lives to rescue injured students and other citizens.

Near daybreak on June 4th, troops entered Tiananmen Square and cleared obstacles. Students and citizens were forced to withdraw. The Goddess of Democracy was demolished by a tank.

Troops continued to open fire on citizens throughout the morning and afternoon of June 4th. There were numerous casualties. Some victims were killed by “expanding bullets”, which exploded upon entering the body. Such bullets were prohibited under international law.

 

六四死難者 The “June 4th” Victims 

「天安門母親」群體搜集的死難者名單中,有他們:

21歲人民大學學生吳國鋒,不僅被刺刀刺穿下腹,還連中數槍;24歲清華學生段昌隆看見戒嚴部隊與民眾對峙,試圖勸解,卻被無情殺害;25歲實習醫生王衛萍,勇敢加加入搶救行列。當她為傷者包紮時,被子彈擊中頸部,她倒下,連一句話都沒留下;退伍女軍人馬承芬,沒想到軍隊竟毫無人性向胡同裏開槍,在家中樓下台階和人聊天時被射殺 ……

「六四」時任職解放軍30醫院的外科醫生蔣彥永曾描述當時情況:「在一陣密集的槍聲過後,又有不少被打傷的青年,由周圍的老百姓用木板或平板三輪送進了急診室……從10點多開始到半夜12點,在這兩個小時中,我們醫院的急診室就接收了89位被子彈打傷的,其中有7位因搶救無效而死亡。大夫們在醫院的18間手術室中,分三批做了大半夜手術,將有可能救的人都救了。」

下載pdf

In the list of victims collected by the Tiananmen Mothers Group, this long night has them:

Wu Guofeng, a 21-year-old student at Renmin University of China, not only the lower abdomen of whose was pierced by a bayonet, but also was shot several times. Duan Changlong, a 24-year-old student of Tsinghua University. When he saw the military troops encountering the people hostilely, he tried to intervene and helped resolving the confrontation, but only ended in himself being ruthlessly killed. Wang Weiping, a 25-year-old intern, bravely joined the rescuing team to save people’s life. When she bandaged the wounded, she just looked up slightly but got hit by a bullet in her neck. She just fell down and didn’t even leave a single word. Ma Chengfen, a veteran female soldier, did not imagine that the army was shooting at people ruthlessly at the alley, and was shot dead when she was just chatting with people downstairs of her house.

During June 4th, Jiang Yanyong served as a surgeon at the People’s Liberation Army 301 Hospital. He described what happened that night: “After a burst of gunfire, so many young people were injured. They were sent to the emergency room on wooden trolleys or tricycles by people who happened at the scene. Over a two-hour period from 10 o’clock to midnight, our hospital’s emergency room received 89 patients injured by bullets, including seven who died. The doctors divided themselves into three groups in 18 operating rooms to perform operations through the night in order to save whoever it was possible to save.”

6月4日,支聯會在跑馬地舉行「黑色大靜坐」,哀悼死難者,20萬人參與。全球各地均有悼念及抗議活動。

6月5日,軍隊仍駐守天安門廣場。一名青年(王維林)於長安大街隻身攔截一隊坦克車,更一度攀上坦克車,最後由旁人拉開。

6月5日,大批坦克車仍在廣場佈防,北京瀰漫白色恐怖氣氛,各國紛紛安排專機撤僑。代表支聯會上京的李卓人在登機返港之際,遭公安人員強行帶走,經過3天扣查,於6月8日晚回港。香港人的捐款至今仍被中國政府扣押。

6月6日,國務院發言人袁木及戒嚴部隊少將張工舉行記者會,講述清場行動。


On June 4th, 200,000 people in Hong Kong, dressed in black, took part in a sit-in protest organized by Hong Kong Alliance at Happy Valley to mourn the deaths in Beijing. Similar protests and ceremonies took place all over the world.

On June 5th, troops were still stationed in Tiananmen Square. A young man, identified as Wang Weilin, blocked the advance of a column of tanks on Changan Avenue. He even climbed up onto the turret of the lead tank but was finally pulled aside by a group of bystanders.

On June 5th, a large number of tanks were still deployed in Tiananmen Square and Beijing was pervaded by terror. Many countries chartered flights to evacuate their citizens. Lee Cheuk-Yan, who went to Beijing on behalf of Hong Kong Alliance, was arrested by Public Security officers as he was about to board a plane back to Hong Kong. Though he was allowed to return on June 8th after having been detained for three days, the donations of Hong Kong people which he had gone to Beijing to deliver were confiscated by the Chinese government.

On June 6th, State Council Spokesperson Yuan Mu and General of Martial Law Forces Zhang Gong explained the clearance action in a press conference.

中國公安部發佈《堅決鎮壓反革命暴亂、制止社會動亂》通告,通令全國緝捕「暴亂分子」,又下令緝捕學者方勵之、李淑嫻夫婦。

6月13日通緝「高自聯」﹙北高聯﹚21名骨幹學生,名單先後為王丹、吾爾開希、劉剛、柴玲等。

當局全力清算、搜捕八九民運參與者,並採取快捕快審方式,至6月底最少槍決27人,至7月估計最少拘捕5,000人。

「黃雀行動」在6月中下旬展開,至1997年香港回歸前落幕。香港各界人士出錢出力,冒生命危險,救出約400名民運參與者。

The Ministry of Public Security issued the order, “Resolutely Suppress Counter-Revolutionary Riots, Quell Social Turmoil” for the mass arrest of “rioters” across the country. It also ordered the arrest of the scholar Fang Lizhi and his wife Li Shuzhen.

On June 13th, an order was issued for the arrest of 21 students of the Beijing Students’ Autonomous Federation identified as movement leaders. The most wanted list included Wang Dan, Wuer Kaixi, Liu Gang, and Chai Ling.

Mass arrests were carried out. Many were summarily tried. By the end of June, at least 27 people had been executed. By July, at least 5,000 were under arrest.

“Operation Yellowbird” commenced in late June. It was financed by donations from Hong Kong people in various sectors. Hong Kong people risked their lives to help about 400 activists to escape arrest by the Chinese government. The operation continued right up until before the handover of Hong Kong in 1997.


 

中共的定性 Position of The Chinese Government 

6月9日,中央軍委主席鄧小平接見戒嚴部隊時,指事件是「反革命暴亂」,讚揚軍隊平息暴亂。

6月30日,時任北京市長陳希同在全國人大常委會會議上作《關於制止動亂和平息反革命暴亂的情況報告》,將事件定性為「極少數人利用學潮,掀起了一場有計劃、有組織、有預謀的政治動亂,進而在首都北京發展成了反革命暴亂」。後來中央統一口徑,稱之為「1989年春夏之交的政治風波」或「八十年代末春夏之交的那場政治風波」。

2018年12月,由中央黨史和文獻研究院編寫的《改革開放四十年大事記》,除了沿用官方一貫的「政治風波」說法外,再次出現「反革命暴亂」定性:「春夏之交北京和其他一些城市發生政治風波,黨和政府依靠人民,旗幟鮮明地反對動亂,平息在北京發生的反革命暴亂……」。

「六四」在內地一直是禁忌,官方對事件曾有不同說法及評價。一些「六四」罪人相繼出書撇清責任,前總理李鵬出版《李鵬六四日記》(原擬定名《關鍵時刻》)為自己辯護,前北京市長陳希同在回憶錄中,力陳自己只是一名傀儡。

On June 9th, Deng Xiaoping, the Chairman of the Central Military Commission, met with Martial Law Forces and labelled the democracy demonstrations a “counter-revolutionary rebellion”. He praised the army for quelling it.

On June 30th, Chen Xitong, then Mayor of Beijing, delivered his “Report on Quelling Turmoil and Suppressing Counter-Revolutionary Rebellion” to a meeting of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress. He characterized the demonstrations as consisting of “a very small number of people taking advantage of students to instigate planned, organized and premeditated political turmoil, which then developed into counter-revolutionary rebellion in Beijing.” Later on, the central government adopted a uniform phrase, referring to the demonstrations as “political turmoil between the spring and summer of 1989” or “political turmoil between the spring and summer in the late 1980s”.

In 2018, in addition to the phrase, “political turmoil”, “counter-revolutionary rebellion” reappeared in the special feature, called “Major Events of Reform and Opening”, was prepared for the newspaper by the Central Institute for Party History and Literature Research: “Between the spring and summer, political turmoil occurred in Beijing and other cities. The Party and the Government with the support of the citizens took a clear-cut stand against the turmoil and quelled the counter-revolutionary riots in Beijing…”.

June 4th has always been taboo in China. Top officials have at various times expressed opinions and assessments. Some of the main decision-makers have published books downplaying their roles. Li Peng, the former Premier, published Li Peng’s Diary of June 4th (originally named The Crucial Moment) to defend himself, while Chen Xitong, then Mayor of Beijing, characterized himself in his memoirs as only a puppet.

傷亡數字 — 你會相信誰﹖Numbers of Casualties — Who Do You Believe?

1989年6月6日,國務院發言人袁木和戒嚴部隊少將張工舉行記者招待會。

.袁木指軍隊受傷人數5,000多,而群眾和「暴徒」有2,000多人受傷。部隊戰士加上「罪有應得」的歹徒有近300人死 亡,學生有23人死亡。

.張工聲稱當晚廣場上沒有打死過一名學生和群眾,也沒有用裝甲車、坦克車壓死、壓傷一人。

當時中國紅十字會曾對外公布死亡人數在2,600至3,000之間。

截至2019年3月,「天安門母親」群體記錄的死難者名單共204人。

英國國家檔案館的解密檔案指,估計平民死亡人數至少1萬。

美國白宮機密檔案,估計「六四」死傷民眾多達40,000人,當中10,454人被殺。

加拿大外交部解密信函指,估計1,000至3,000人死亡,受傷人數更遠超此數。

On June 6th, in a press conference held by State Council Spokesperson Yuan Mu and Major General of the Martial Law Forces Zheng Gong, Yuan said that some 5,000 soldiers along with 2,000 citizens, including those whom he described as “ruffians”, were wounded, and around 300 died, of whom 23 were university students. The others included soldiers and the ruffians who “deserved retribution”. Zhang Gong claimed that not a student or citizen was killed in the square that night, nor was anyone wounded or run over by armored vehicles or tanks.

The Chinese Red Cross announced a death toll of between 2,600 and 3,000. As of March 2019, The Tiananmen Mothers have confirmed 204 fatalities. The British government declassified files revealing that the 27th Group Army fired directly at crowds including citizens and other soldiers. Armored vehicles repeatedly ran over corpses. Bodies were cleared away by bulldozers. It estimated civilian fatalities at 10,000 or more.

The U.S. White House declassified files revealing an estimate of 40,000 casualties in all, of which 10,454 were killed. The Canadian Foreign Affairs Ministry declassified a letter stating that on June 4th and 5th Chinese troops brutally suppressed unarmed protesters in Beijing. It estimated 1,000 to 3,000 civilian deaths, with a far greater number of injuries.


尋求公義 Seeking Justice

多少次,香港人冒著狂風暴雨上街聲援,不分左中右齊支持北京民主運動,又親身北上支援;香港記者跑到最前線,勇敢報道民運最新情況。不少香港人都是這段歷史的見證者和參與者!當民主運動在中國大陸被鎮壓,白色恐怖籠罩,支聯會與所有關注中國民主人權團體和人士並肩作戰,延續民運火炬,爭取平反六四,聲援國內民運和維權人士,追求建設民主和公義的中國。

Many times, Hong Kong people rallied in the streets, in the face of wind, rain and even typhoon. We supported the Beijing democracy movement, regardless of our political views, whether left, right or neutral. Some even ventured north to assist. Hong Kong journalists bravely reported the latest news on the democracy movement from the frontlines. Many Hong Kong people were witnesses and participants in this historical event. After the suppression of the democracy movement in China, Hong Kong Alliance has worked side by side with all groups and people concerned about democracy and human rights in China in order to pass on the torch of democracy and keep it alive. In addition, we strive to vindicate “June 4th”, to support Chinese civil society and human rights activists, and to pursue the founding of a democratic and righteous China.

1. 5月15日,學聯在香港新華社門前絕食。On May 15th, members of the Hong Kong Federation of Students began a hunger strike in front of the Xinhua News Agency in Hong Kong.

2. 5月20日,香港市民手心相連,4萬多人在8號風球高懸下上街示威。On May 20th, more than 40,000 Hong Kong people held hands and rallied in the streets during a typhoon.

3. 5月21日,「香港市民支援愛國民主運動聯合會」(支聯會)成立,司徒華任主席。On May 21st, Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China was founded and Mr. Szeto Wah was elected Chairman.

4. 5月21日,《文匯報》社論開天窗,抗議北京戒嚴。On May 21st, Wen Wei Po published a blank editorial to protest the declaration of martial law in Beijing.

5. 5月26日,約20萬青年冒雨在維園集會。On May 26th, about 200,000 young people protested in Victoria Park in the rain.

6. 5月28日,香港百萬人大遊行,東區走廊上浩浩蕩蕩的遊行隊伍。On May 28th, million people parade marched grandiosely on the Island Eastern Corridor in Hong Kong.

維園燭海 Sea Of Candlelight In Victoria Park

每年6月4日晚上,數以萬計香港人風雨不改,在維園集會,燃起點點燭光,悼念亡魂,呼喚良知。這是海內外最受關注、中共治下可公開舉行最大型「六四」紀念活動,愈來愈多國內民眾專程來參與。「六四」屠殺中被坦克輾斷雙腿的方政,形容維園燭光是「刺破黑暗的力量,照亮良心的光芒。」

Every year on the evening of June 4th, tens of thousands of Hong Kong people gather in Victoria Park, rain or shine. We light candles to mourn the souls of the dead and call on people of conscience to bear witness. This has been the biggest “June 4th” commemorative event anywhere in the World, whether in territory under Chinese Communist Party rule or overseas. More and more people from China visit Hong Kong to take part in the candlelight vigil.

“June 4th” victim, Fang Zheng, whose legs were crushed by a tank, described the Victoria Park candlelight vigil as “the power to pierce the darkness and the light to illuminate conscience.”


海外支運 Democracy Movement In Overseas

「八九六四」也牽動全球華人及世界各地追求民主自由人士的心,紛紛聲援,譴責血腥鎮壓。下圖表將各地城市發生千人以上請願活動標示出來。

全球民主示威怒潮:


直至今天,海外支援中國民主運動的熱誠仍未減退,加拿大溫哥華、多倫多、法國巴黎、英國倫敦、美國華盛頓、加州、紐約、波士頓、洛杉磯、德國法蘭克福、澳洲悉尼等多個地區,都有 「六四」紀念活動。

民主女神像除了分佈在香港中文大學、城市大學、浸會大學和理工大學外(香港大學有「國殤之柱」,嶺南大學有「六四屠殺」浮雕),還在海外遍地開花,包括加拿大溫哥華卑詩大學、美國三藩市唐人街「花園角廣場」等。

2019年2月23日,由雕塑家陳維明創作、以「64」兩個巨型數字組成的紀念碑在美國落成,座落在連接洛杉磯和拉斯維加斯的15號州際公路旁,是全世界最大的「六四」紀念碑。

The “June 4th” also resonates and affects the hearts of all Chinese in overseas and people around the World altogether to pursuit the freedom and democracy for China. They hold demonstrations and condemn oppression. The picture above shows where demonstrations in cities of more than 1,000 people have occurred around the World.

To this day, enthusiastic overseas support for the democracy movement in China has not diminished. “June 4th” commemorative events have been organized every year in Vancouver and Toronto, Canada; Paris, France; London, U.K.; Washington, San Francisco, New York, Boston and Los Angeles, U.S.A.; Frankfurt, Germany; Sydney, Australia, and other cities.

Replicas of the “Goddess of Democracy” statue have been erected on university campuses in Hong Kong, including Chinese University, City University, Baptist University and Polytechnic University (“Pillar of Shame” was erected in Hong Kong University, and an embossed collage about “June 4th Massacre” was created in Lingnan University). Many more have appeared overseas, including at the University of Vancouver in Canada and Portsmouth Square in San Francisco’s Chinatown.

Created by sculptor Chen Weiming, the World’s largest monument to the “1989 Tiananmen Massacre” was unveiled in the United States on February 23rd, 2019. The number ‘64’ on the sculpture represents the massacre which took place on June 4th, 1989. It is located next to Interstate Fwy. 15 between Los Angeles and Las Vegas.

民間見證及堅持 The People Bear Witness and Persist

中國政府一再以威嚇壓迫,企圖歪曲和掩飾「六四」屠殺真相。然而,威權始終阻擋不了民間勇敢公開見證,堅持追查真相、尋求公義的呼聲。

「天安門母親」群體

由「六四」死難者家屬和受害倖存者組成的「天安門母親」群體(發起人之一丁子霖),堅毅不屈尋訪「六四」死難者名單。至2019年3月,她們已紀錄了204名遇難者資料,歷盡艱辛保存中共政權蓄意殺害和平示威者及無辜市民的證據。多年來,他們不停向當權者重申三項基本訴求:真相、賠償、問責。「天安門母親」多是7、80歲的老人家。他們最大的心願是在有生之年,為孩子和親人討回公道。可惜,未得見這天,至2019年4月已有56位難屬帶著悲痛和遺憾離世。

良心醫生蔣彥永

2003年非典型肺炎﹙SARS﹚對很多香港人來說,仍記憶猶新。率先揭露北京謊報SARS疫情的,正是曾任職解放軍301醫院的外科醫生蔣彥永。他在2004年致函國家領導層,要求為「六四」正名,而遭軟禁和打壓。2019年全國兩會期間,他再去信國家領導層,要求正確評價「六四」。

抗命軍長徐勤先:「寧殺頭,不做歷史罪人!」

「六四」時,解放軍38軍軍長徐勤先拒絕帶軍入京鎮壓學生,被軍事法庭判監5年、開除黨籍。據稱,徐在受審時表示:「人民軍隊從來沒有鎮壓人民的歷史,我絕對不能玷污這個歷史。」另外,不少當年戒嚴軍人其後挺身而出指證當局,如山東退伍軍人張世軍曾公開上書,要求平反「六四」,並對自己當年參與屠城懺悔;解放軍39軍前雷達站長李曉明也公開譴責「六四」屠城。

不忘初衷,抵抗未完的鎮壓

在國內,人民因派發有關「六四」的傳單、舉起紀念「六四」橫額、辦研討會和祈禱會、穿著印有「六四」字樣文化衫、發表相關文章、為「六四」死者掃墓拜祭、製作「八酒六四」白酒等,就被警告、關押和判刑,一切竟是如此荒謬!但即使面對極大風險,每年仍有不少抗爭者用不同方式紀念「六四」,讓血腥鎮壓的政權知道:人民不會忘記!

因「六四」將牢底坐穿

  • 苗德順:「六四」屠殺最後囚犯,坐牢27年
  • 李玉君:1989年阻擋解放軍入城,坐牢23年
  • 朱更生:「六四」晚阻擋坦克車入城,坐牢22年
  • 許萬平:「六四」後兩度入獄,坐牢20年

湖南工運領袖李旺陽一生被無理囚禁長達22年。1989年,因八九民運被重判13年,在獄中受盡酷刑折磨。2012年6月6日,被發現在醫院窗口離奇吊頸身亡,疑點重重。李旺陽曾說:「為了國家早日進入民主社會,為了中國早日實現多黨制,我就是砍頭,我也不回頭!」

The Chinese government has repeatedly suppressed any open discussion and attempted to distort and cover up the truth. But authoritarianism has not stopped people from bearing public witness, insisting on the truth, and calling for justice.

“Tiananmen Mothers” Group

“Tiananmen Mothers” is a group of victims and survivors of “June 4th”, Ding Zilin as one of the founders of the group, has sought out “June 4th” victims and compiled a list of them. As of March 2019, the group has recorded the names of 204 victims and told the stories of how they lost their lives. It has been a constant challenge to preserve evidence of the crimes committed by the Chinese Communist Party, a regime intent on denying that killings of peaceful demonstrators and innocent citizens ever occurred. Over the years, the “Tiananmen Mothers” have reiterated to the authorities their three basic demands: truth, compensation, and accountability. Most of the “Tiananmen Mothers” are now in their seventies or eighties. Their greatest wish is to see justice for their children and their loved ones in their lifetime. As of April 2019, 56 members of the group have passed away.

Dr. Jiang Yanyong

The SARS (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome) outbreak of 2003 is still fresh in the memory of many Hong Kong people. The first to expose the Beijing SARS epidemic was the surgeon Jiang Yanyong who served in the 301 Hospital of the People’s Liberation Army. In 2004, he wrote to the national leadership asking it to rectify its verdict on “June 4th”. Soon after, he was placed under house arrest and silenced. During the annual plenary sessions of the National People’s Congress and the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference in 2019, he again wrote a petition to the nation’s leadership and asked for rectification of its verdict on “June 4th”.

Army Commander Xu Qinxian

During martial law, the commander of the 38th Group Army, Xu Qinxian, refused to lead his troops into Beijing to suppress the students. He was court-martialled, sentenced to five years in prison, and expelled from the Communist Party. During his trial, it is said that he told the court, “There was no precedent of the People’s Army suppressing the people. I refused to stain this historical record.” In recent years, several soldiers have spoken out about the crackdown. Shandong veteran Zhang Shijun petitioned publicly to vindicate “June 4th”. He felt regret for having participated in the massacre. Li Xiaoming, a former radar stationmaster in the 39th Group Army, also publicly condemned the “June 4th Massacre”.

Remain True To Our Original Aspiration And Stand Up Against On-Going Repression

In China, people can be threatened and imprisoned for doing anything related to “June 4th”. Recent cases include official retribution for distributing a “June 4th” flyer, posting banners commemorating “June 4th”, organizing seminars and prayer meetings, dressing in clothes with the words “June 4th”, publishing related articles, visiting the graves of “June 4th” victims, and producing liquor with the name “Eight Liquor Six Four” (a homophone for 89/6/4, the date of the massacre) on the label. At great risk, many Chinese still strive to commemorate “June 4th” every year, sending the message to the regime that the people will never forget.

Decades Of Imprisonment Over “June 4th”

  • Miao Deshun, imprisoned for 27 years, the last “June 4th” prisoner;
  • Li Yujun, imprisoned for 23 years for trying to stop martial law troops from entering Beijing;
  • Zhu Gengsheng, imprisoned for 22 years for trying to stop martial law troops from entering Beijing;
  • Xu Wanping, imprisoned twice for a total of 20 years.
Li Wangyang, the leader of the Hunan Workers’Movement, was imprisoned for 22 years total. In 1989, he was sentenced to 13 years in prison, where he was tortured. On June 6th, 2012, he was found dead under suspicious circumstances, in a hospital room, hanging from a security bar on a window. Li Wangyang once said, “For our country to become a democratic society and achieve a multi-party political system, you can cut off my head and I will never regret it.”


護人權 Protect Human Rights

民權運動領袖馬丁路德金曾說:「任何地方的不公義都威脅其它地方的公義。」香港的命運與內地密切相關,內地若沒有政治改革、沒有民主人權,那把達摩克利斯之劍始終懸掛在港人頭上。

回望人類歷史,公義從來不是唾手可得,而是從不斷嘗試、挫敗、奮鬥中而來。「六四」屠殺後,內地大批仁人志士繼續在尋求民主、公義路上奮進,2003年開啟了「公民維權元年」;同樣在2003年,50萬港人上街反對《23條》惡法,掀開香港民運新一頁。

The Civil Rights Movement Leader Martin Luther King, Jr. once said, “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” The fate of Hong Kong is closely related to that of China. If there is no political reform, democracy or human rights in China, the sword of Damocles will forever hang over the heads of Hong Kong people.

A survey of history shows achieving justice is never easy. It only comes through unrelenting struggle. In China, after the “June 4th Massacre”, many people with noble goals have continued to seek democracy and justice, persevering on the path of righteousness. “The Rights Defence Movement” began in 2003. In the same year, 500,000 Hong Kong people marched against proposed draconian “Article 23” National Security Legislation meant to bring Hong Kong into line with China, thus opening a new chapter in the Hong Kong democracy movement.

組黨運動 The Formation of Independent Political Parties

中共為維持「一黨專政」,一直以來黨禁森嚴。然而在「六四」後不久,有一批人冒險結社組黨,嘗試保存、延續八九民運的抗爭力量。1991年,胡石根、康玉春、劉京生等先後秘密成立「中國自由民主黨」、「中華進步同盟」、「中國自由工會籌備委員會」等組織,印發傳單宣揚民主、批評獨裁;1998年出現一波公開組黨潮,浙江民運人士率先申請登記「中國民主黨」,北京、上海、山東、湖北、四川等省相繼跟進。兩次組黨運動都付出沉重代價,當中胡石根、秦永敏、陳西等多次被捕,現今仍在獄中。

In order to maintain one-party dictatorship, the Chinese Communist Party has always banned any independent political party. Shortly after “June 4th”, a group of people took great with the aim of continuing the resistance of the “1989 Democracy Movement”. In 1991, Hu Shigen, Kang Yuchun and Liu Jingsheng, together with others, secretly organized “The China Free Democratic Party”, “The Progressive Alliance of China”, “The China Free Labor Union Preparatory Committee” and other groups. They circulated leaflets to advocate freedom and democracy and criticized authoritarian rule. In 1998, several parties were formed. Zhejiang democracy activists took the lead, attempting to register “The China Democracy Party.” They were followed by other activists in other provinces and cities including Beijing, Shanghai, Shandong, Hubei and Sichuan. In both 1991 and 1998, the participants paid a heavy price. Among them, Hu Shigen, Qin Yongmin, Chen Xi were arrested many times and are still in prison.


憲章運動 The Charter Movements

《憲法》是一國之本,中共政權的癥結在於「有法律而無法治,有憲法而無憲政」,內地民運人士從修憲着手,推動憲政民主。1993年,秦永敏、劉念春等發表《和平憲章》,要求保障公民的言論、新聞出版、集會、結社等《憲法》賦予權利。2008年,張祖樺、劉曉波等人起草修訂《零八憲章》,重申6大基本理念(自由、人權、平等、共和、民主、憲政)及19條具體主張,包括司法獨立、軍隊國家化、推行民主選舉制度、開放黨禁等,開創「漸進、和平、有序、可控」的憲政轉型路線,至今過萬人聯署。然而劉曉波卻因此被重判11年,並病逝獄中。

“The Constitution” is the foundation of a country. The Communist Party’s political power is based on the fact that “China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government.” Democracy activists have addressed this issue by proposing reforms to the constitution and working toward constitutional democracy. In 1993, Qin Yongmin, Liu Nianchun and others launched “The Peace Charter Movement”, calling for the protection of freedoms of speech, press, assembly and association, which are all constitutional rights. In 2008, Zhang Zuhua, Liu Xiaobo and others drafted “Charter 08”, reaffirming 6 fundamental principles (freedom, human rights, equality, republicanism, democracy, and constitutional rule) and advocating 19 specific principles (including an independent judiciary, giving the government rather than the Party authorities over the armed forces, and democratic elections). It proposed a transitional path of constitutional reform in a gradual, peaceful, orderly, and stable manner. Thousands put their names to the charter as joint signatories. Liu Xiaobo was sentenced to 11 years in prison, eventually dying in state custody.

新公民運動 The New Citizens’ Movement

憲章運動雖被打壓,但國人追求憲政民主的步伐並未停下。2012年法學博士許志永發表《中國新公民運動》文章,繼續推動國家以和平方式朝向憲政文明轉型、從臣民社會朝向公民社會轉型。當中最矚目的是「公民要求官員公開財產」行動,市民在多個繁華地區高舉反腐標語,得到廣泛響應,千多名律師、學者聯署公開信要求中共中央委員公開財產和收入。儘管運動發起人許志永、王功權於2013年先後被捕,但以「自由、公義、愛」為主旨的新公民精神已植入不少人心中。

Despite the crackdowns on the Charter Movements, people’s desire for constitutional democracy was unquenched. In 2012, Xu Zhiyong published an article called “China’s New Citizens’ Movement.” He advocated gradual reforms leading to constitutional governance and the necessity of Chinese making the transition from subjects to citizens, both in a peaceful manner. As part of the movement, citizens demanded that government officials disclose their wealth. Anti-corruption banners were posted in various city centers. These actions met an enthusiastic response. Movement leaders Xu Zhiyong and Wang Gongquan were arrested in 2013, but the New Citizens Movement’s core principles of “freedom, justice and love” have been imprinted in many people’s hearts.

維權運動 The Rights Defence Movement

2003年被稱為中國維權運動元年,標誌性事件是「孫志剛案」。湖北大學生孫志剛因沒帶證件出街,於收容站被打死;3名法學博士要求全國人大常委會審查《流浪乞討人員收容遣送辦法》的合憲性,促成《遣送辦法》廢除。此後維權律師群體逐漸冒起,活躍於各地維權案件。

互聯網的興起推進維權運動的發展,黃琦於1999年開啟「六四天網」幫助離散家庭團聚,屢登敏感文章,被視為中國異議網絡先驅。除了透過網絡,近年維權運動愈趨多元,如2011年各地網民在特定時間、地點「散步」和「微笑」,以此呼應北非「茉莉花革命」;又如「709事件」被捕律師的妻子,以剃髮、千里尋夫、高舉紅水桶等「出位」行動為丈夫發聲。

“The Rights Defence Movement” is widely understood to have begun in 2003 with the landmark case of Sun Zhigang. Sun was a young university graduate from Hubei who died in Guangdong as a result of physical abuse suffered at the hands of authorities while detained under the Custody and Repatriation system, which restricted Chinese people’s “Freedom of Movement”. Three law students appealed to the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress to review “Custody and Repatriation”, leading to the abolition of the system. After this, a network of so-called rights defence lawyers gradually emerged and became active defending victims of rights abuses all over the country.

The rise of the internet fostered the development of the Rights Defence Movement. In 1999, Huang Qi set up the Tianwang Center for missing persons. He posted many sensitive documents online and became regarded as a pioneer of civil society in cyberspace. Through the internet, the culture of the Rights Defence Movement spread. In 2011, netizens called on citizens across the country to go out and “walk and smile” together in the street at the same time in a sly echo of the Jasmine Revolution in North Africa. After the mass arrests of rights defence lawyers in 2015, referred to as the “709” crackdown, their wives organized many actions to bring attention to their husbands’ cases.

基層民運 Grassroots Democracy

「六四」後內地曾出現兩場基層民主運動,村民由土地維權進而爭取選舉村官,凸顯農村公民權利的覺醒,意義重大。2005年,廣東太石村村民質疑村委會貪腐,依法啟動罷免程序,政府一度暴力鎮壓,但村民最終成功選出村代表,惟民選委員迫於壓力不久便辭職。2011年,廣東烏坎村村委會私下變賣農地,村民上訪無果,於是佔領村委會,自發組織臨時代表理事會,形成自治局面,與警對峙百餘日,官方最後承認民選的理事會,翌年村民投票選出村委會,但未能討回被侵佔的土地。

Since the “June 4th Massacre”, two movements for grassroots democracy have received particular attention. Both involved peasants and villagers fighting against land confiscations and forced demolitions ordered by corrupt officials and for their right to elect their own local government. In 2005, the villagers of Taishi Village in Guangdong challenged the corruption of the village committee and initiated a legal process to recall officials to trigger a new election. The government used violence to crack down on them, but the villagers eventually succeeded in electing their own village representatives. They soon were forced to resign under tremendous pressure. In 2011, the sale of farmland by the village committee of Wukan Village in Guangdong provoked a tenacious response by villagers. First, they petitioned higher authorities without result. Then they occupied the village committee headquarters and organized their own “temporary representative council”. This lead to a confrontation between police and villagers that lasted one hundred days. At last, the government recognized the council, and in the following year, villagers freely elected members of the village committee. However, the occupied land was never recovered, and leaders of the uprising were eventually imprisoned or forced to flee.



反倒退 Defending Hong Kong

自1980年代「中英談判」開始,香港人在爭取民主的路上走了30多年,至今未能實現普選,法治、人權、言論和新聞自由等反而不斷倒退。威權統治下,爭民主的路愈益艱難,「反倒退」行動反而漸成主軸;在拒絕淪陷、力保核心價值之餘,我們還能做甚麼?

Since the Sino-British negotiations over the status of Hong Kong in the 1980s, Hong Kong people have been fighting for democracy. But universal suffrage has yet to be realized. In the meantime, rule of law and human rights have deteriorated. Under authoritarian rule, the road to democracy is getting harder and harder. For decades, Hong Kong people have fought to retain the rights and freedoms they already possess and have continually resisted authoritarian imposition.

反人大釋法 Protesting The Interpretation of The Basic Law by The National People’s Congress Standing Committee


《基本法》是香港的小《憲法》,自1997年回歸以來,全國人大常委會先後5次釋法,當中4次(1999年居留權、2004年特首及立法會產生方式、2005年補選特首任期、2016年立法會宣誓)嚴重破壞香港的司法制度及民主進程。2016年11月,逾萬人上街反對釋法,法律界亦發起「靜默黑衣遊行」。

 

 The “Basic Law” is Hong Kong’s mini-constitution. Since the handover in 1997, the NPCSC has interpreted the “Basic Law” five times. Four interventions (Right of Abode in 1999, the Methods for Selecting the Chief Executive and for Forming the Legislative Council in 2004, the Terms of the Chief Executive By-election in 2005, and Legislative Council Oath-taking in 2016) have seriously damaged Hong Kong’s judicial system and democratic development. In November 2016, more than 10,000 people marched to protest against the interpretation of the “Basic Law” on oath-taking. Lawyers organized their own silent march dressed all in black.

反《23》條惡法 The March Against Article 23 Legislation

2003年7月1日,香港50多萬人上街抗議,是八九民運以來最浩瀚的遊行,成功阻止《基本法》第23條立法,並導致前特首董建華下台。《23條》是一條就香港境內有關國家安全(即叛國罪、煽動顛覆國家政權罪、顛覆國家罪、竊取國家機密等)作出立法指引的《憲法》條文,令港人固有的人權、自由大受威脅。這次遊行是香港社會發展的分水嶺,新一代政治力量崛起,保衛天星、皇后碼頭、反高鐵等本土運動相繼湧現;然而中央害怕民間力量壯大,加緊了對香港的管控。

On July 1st, 2003 more than 500,000 people took to the streets in the biggest demonstration in Hong Kong since the million-people protests in support of China’s democracy movement in 1989. They succeeded in forcing the government to withdraw its “National Security Bill” to implement “Article 23” of the “Basic Law”. This also lead to Hong Kong’s first Chief Executive Tung Chee-Hwa stepping down. “Article 23” provides guidance on national security in Hong Kong in relation to matters such as treason, inciting subversion of state power, subversion, and theft of state secrets. Its imminent implementation threatened Hong Kong people’s rights and freedoms. The march was a watershed in the development of Hong Kong civil society. A new generation of activists arose. Local movements to protect the Star Ferry Pier and Queen’s Pier and to oppose the express rail link with China as well as others emerged. The Chinese government fears the growth of civil society and has tightened control over Hong Kong.


反洗腦運動 The Anti-National Education Movement

2012年政府建議新增小學獨立學科「德育及國民教育科」並推出課程指引,內容偏頗,惹來「洗腦」質疑。「學民思潮」和「國民教育家長關注組」力陳當中弊端,發起佔領公民廣場、絕食等行動,各界紛紛響應,最後演變為一場全民運動,9萬人上街遊行「反洗腦」,政府最終宣布擱置課程指引。反國教運動得以一呼百應,主因觸及香港思想自由的核心價值。

In 2012, the government made moves to introduce a new subject, “Moral and National Education”, in the school curriculum. The content was considered by many to be a form of indoctrination or brainwashing. Lead by Scholarism and the National Education Parents’ Concern Group, a movement against “National Education” arose, eventually resulting in 90,000 demonstrators surrounding government headquarters. The government announced it would not be mandatory for schools to teach the subject. The Anti-National Education Movement resonated so widely in Hong Kong and gained great popular support because the issue was seen as having to do with Hong Kong’s core values, in this case, freedom of thought.

反暴力撐新聞自由 Defending Freedom of The Press and Opposing Attacks on It

 近年香港新聞自由屢受衝擊,最震撼的是2014年《明報》前總編輯劉進圖在光天化日下、於鬧市遭狂斬6刀。同年3月2日,1.3萬名市民參加遊行,怒吼「反暴力,緝真兇,保法治」,敦促警方捉拿兇徒歸案。參與遊行的人統一穿著黑衣,拉着「They can’t kill us all」的巨型橫幅,反對任何威脅媒體的暴力,讓港人擁有免於恐懼的自由,擁有多元化言論自由的空間。

In recent years, Hong Kong’s press freedom has significantly deteriorated. In 2014, Kevin Lau, the former editor-in-chief of Ming Pao, one of Hong Kong’s most prominent newspapers, was attacked with a cleaver on the street in broad daylight. 13,000 people protested against the attack, which was considered a frontal assault on freedom of the press and a challenge to rule of law. Protesters dressed in black and held aloft a giant banner saying, “They can’t kill us all.” The protest articulated the desire of Hong Kong people to live in a pluralistic society free from fear.


爭民主 The Struggle for Democracy

「七一」遊行 The July 1st March

每年「七一」遊行已成為香港民主抗爭的象徵。自1997年7月1日香港回歸以來便有七一遊行,當年支聯會以「愛國愛港愛民主」為主題發起遊行,約3,000人參與。此後「七一」遊行成為港人抗議當局、表達各種訴求的持續性大型活動,每年主題不一。

On July 1st, 1997, Hong Kong was handed by Great Britain over to China. On that day and every July 1st since, Hong Kong people have marched for democracy. In 1997, about 3,000 people joined Hong Kong Alliance in marching under the banner, “Love the Country, Hong Kong and Democracy.” Since then, the march has consistently drawn huge crowds, sometimes numbering in the hundreds of thousands. The exact theme of the march changes from year to year.

雨傘運動 The Umbrella Movement

2014年是香港民主運動風起雲湧的一年:6月底80萬港人參加佔領中環公投;9月22日學界啟動大罷課;9月28日在警方87枚催淚彈下,「佔中」提前啟動。這場佔領運動—「雨傘運動」歷時79日,約120萬人參與,成為「八九六四」後另一重要的政治啟蒙,以公民抗命形式爭取普選,對香港民運發展影響深遠。

2019年4月9日「佔中」案裁決,被告之一朱耀明牧師陳情:「馬丁路德金牧師說:沒有公義便沒有真正的和諧。我寄語生活於香港的市民,要憐憫不公義制度下的受害者,包括示威者,也包括警察;我更祈求憐憫能激發勇氣,用以對抗制度的惡。」意切辭真,聞者動容。在追尋公義的路上,無數前行者、同行者,無怨無悔前仆後繼,我們又怎能不堅持走完這最後一程路?

2014 was a crucial year in the history of the Hong Kong democracy movement. At the end of June, 800,000 Hong Kong people voted overwhelmingly for genuine universal suffrage in a civil referendum. On September 22nd, a week-long student strike for universal suffrage was held. On September 28th, the Umbrella Movement erupted. Over 79 days, 1.2 million people demanded the basic human right of universal suffrage. The street occupations became a landmark in the long struggle for democracy comparable to the 1989 democracy demonstrations in China and have had a profound impact on the future of Hong Kong’s democracy movement.

On April 9th, 2019, in the most high-profile trial related to the Umbrella Movement, all of the Umbrella Movement 9 were found guilty of various charges of “inciting public nuisance”. One of the defendants, long-time democracy campaigner Reverend Chu Yiu-ming said, “Martin Luther King Jr. once said that without justice, there can be no true harmony. I urge you, who find your home in this city, have compassion on the victims of unjust systems. They include the protesters, also police officers. I pray that compassion will generate courage in us to fight the evil of this unjust system.” On the road to justice, the countless numbers who push for progress must work without resentment or regret. When one falls down, another takes his place. In this way, how can we fail to reach the destination?


尋找光明 Looking for Light

「黑夜給了我黑色的眼睛,我卻用它尋找光明」— 顧城《一代人》
“Darkness dyed my eyes dark, but I’m still looking for light”— Gu Cheng‘One Generation’

爭取平反•正視歷史 Vindication and Reveal the Past

阿根廷及智利:在1970、80年代,不少拉丁美洲國家都避不開軍事獨裁厄運,大量民眾遭殺害及失蹤。在阿根廷,一群受難者母親和祖母每逢周四,都戴白色頭巾,到首都布宜諾斯艾利斯的五月廣場緩步請願,成為導致軍政府倒台的重要力量之一。在智利,軍事獨裁者皮諾切特雖然最終未面對審判就去世,但他也為自己罪行付出一些代價,包括被法院解除終身豁免權,並面對多項指控。智利政府亦先後設置「真相與和解委員會」和「國家補償與和解組織」,賠償受難者,建立博物館保存記憶。

Argentina and Chile: In the 1970s and 1980s, military dictatorship in Latin American countries led to large numbers of persecution and disappearance of civilians. In Argentina, mothers and grandmothers of some victims wore white head scarves and held gatherings every Thursday at Plaza de Mayo in the capital city Buenos Aires, which was one of the important forces that led to the fall of the military government. In Chile, although the military dictator Pinochet died without trial, he still paid a price for his crimes, including the court’s lifting of life-long immunity and a number of charges. The Chilean government set up “The Commission on Truth and Reconciliation”, and “National Corporation for Reparations and Reconciliation” to compensate the victims and establish museum to retain memories.

南韓「光州事件」:1980年5月18日至27日期間,軍政府武力鎮壓光州示威活動。在人民抗爭和國際壓力下,南韓在1987年實行總統直選,要求徹查「光州事件」的聲音亦愈來愈強烈。1996年,鎮壓光州人民的前總統全斗煥和盧泰愚被判刑。另外,「5月18日」被定為國家紀念日,又設立不同紀念館、紀念廣場、建立國家暴力創傷中心等。2017年文在寅出任總統後,再次調查「光州事件」,令更多真相曝光。

Gwangju Incident, South Korea: On May 18th - 27th, 1980, the military government suppressed demonstrations in Gwangju by armed forces. Due to public and international pressure, presidential direct election was held in South Korea in 1987, and public’s demand on investigations of Gwangju Incident intensified. In 1996, Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, the former presidents that suppressed the Gwangju people were sentenced respectively. In addition, 18 May is designated as the day of commemoration, and various memorial halls, plazas, and national trauma centres were established. Moon Jae-in became president in 2017 and more truth on the Incident was exposed as he requested further investigations.

台灣「二二八事件」:1947年2月27日,因台北政府人員在查緝私煙中打傷女煙販及誤殺市民而觸發。隨著1980年代社會民主改革運動發展,1987年民間首次突破禁忌公開紀念「二二八」,最終更促成政府面對歷史,公開道歉,對受難家屬予以賠償和恢復名譽,建立國家紀念館和紀念碑,並將「2月28日」訂為和平紀念日。時至今日,台灣仍在探討威權管治、白色恐怖所留下的轉型正義問題。

“February 28th Incident” in Taiwan: On February 27th, 1947, some Taipei government officials injured a female cigarette hawker and killed a citizen, which triggered the “February 28th Incident”. With the development of social democratic reform movement in the 1980s, the civil society broke through the taboo for the first time to publicly commemorate the “February 28th Incident” in 1987, which ultimately led the government to reveal the past, publicly apologize, compensate the families of victims, exonerate the victims, establish national memorial and monument, and set “February 28th” as “Peace Memorial Day”. Till now, Taiwan is still discussing issues of transformational justice left by authoritarian governance and white terror.

真相與和解•轉型正義 Transformational Justice for Truth and Reconciliation

南非:當地黑人曾飽嚐種族隔離制度的不人道對待,直到1994年才結束。1990年黑人領袖曼德拉結束27年牢獄生涯,並參與民主轉型協商。1993年各方達成共識,制訂過渡憲法。1994年全國首次民主選舉,又創設憲法法院。1995年南非國會制訂《國家團結及和解法》,「真相與和解委員會」成立,全面調查1960年至1994年間大規模侵犯人權事件。真相與和解被視為從威權過去通往民主未來的橋樑,重點在「赦免獲取真相,真相建立和解」。南非憲法法院前大法官奧比薩克思曾指出南非的真相和解可分成3部分:真相的揭露、特赦和賠償。犯罪者需要申請赦免令,並真誠請求寬恕,再由獨立的專家小組決定是否批准赦免申請。除此,亦要求每人必須真誠將所有侵犯人權行為曝光。這反映特赦及社會和解的一個重要基礎,就是要先釐清真相,暴行者應先放開恐懼、坦承罪行,請求寬恕。另外,透過加害者行為和加害制度的公開透明,亦有助建立民主精神和法治制度。

Blacks in South Africa had experienced inhumane treatment of apartheid until 1994. Black leader Mandela ended his 27-year prison life in 1990 and participated in democratic transformation negotiations. The parties reached a consensus in 1993 to formulate a transitional constitution. In 1994, the country held the first democratic election and established the Constitutional Court. In 1995, the Parliament of South Africa enacted “The National Unity and Reconciliation Act”, and established “The Truth and Reconciliation Commission” (TRC) to launch the nationwide investigation of massive human rights violations from 1960 to 1994. Truth and reconciliation are seen as bridge from the past to the democratic future, with focus on granting amnesty to reveal the truth and establish reconciliation. Albie Sachs, a former Judge of the South African Constitutional Court, pointed out that South Africa’s truth reconciliation can be divided into three parts: the reveal of truth, amnesty and compensation. The offender had to apply for amnesty and sincerely asked for forgiveness. Then an independent panel of experts decided whether to approve the application. Everyone was required to expose all human rights violations in good faith. This reflects an important basis for amnesty and social reconciliation is to first reveal the truth. The guilty should first let go of fear, admit crimes, and ask for forgiveness. Through the openness and transparency of the perpetrators’ behavior and the injuring system, it also helped the society to establish democratic spirit and rule of law.

極權倒台•和平演變•民主轉型 Totalitarianism Collapsed and Peacefully Evolved into Democratic Transformation

「蘇東波」(蘇聯、東歐改革浪潮):東歐不少國家曾經歷共產黨極權統治,甚至被蘇聯入侵,鎮壓民主運動。人民曾努力抗爭,亦曾活在絕望中。然而,在中國發生「六四」屠殺當天,波蘭傳來令人鼓舞的消息:團結工會在大選中獲勝,共產政權潰敗。隨後數月,東歐共產政權相繼倒台,包括捷克、匈牙利、東德等出現和平變革,由極權邁向民主多黨制,廢除《憲法》上的共黨一黨專政,推行自由選舉。1991年,蘇聯宣告解體。東歐成功變革,固然與當時社會經濟困境、戈爾巴喬夫的改革、政權選擇妥協及和平談判解決危機等息息相關,亦與人民持之以恆的抗爭密切相關。

Wave of reforms in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe: Many countries in Eastern Europe experienced the totalitarian rule of the Communist Party and even invasion of the Soviet Union to suppress democratic activities. The people had strived but also had lived in despair. On the day of “June 4th Massacre” in China, there was encouraging news from Poland that the Solidarity Union won the election and the communist regime collapsed. The communist regimes in Eastern Europe successively fell in the following months, including the Czech, Hungarian, and East Germans. They peacefully transited from totalitarianism to democratic multi-party systems, abolished the one-party dictatorship and promoted free elections. The Soviet Union also dissolved in 1991. The successful transformation of Eastern Europe was closely related to the social and economic difficulties at the time, the reform of Gorbachev, the willingness of the regimes to choose compromise and peaceful negotiations to resolve crisis, as well as the persistent struggle of the people.

茉莉花革命/阿拉伯之春:2010年底至2011年初,北非突尼西亞爆發「茉莉花革命」,推翻獨裁強人總統班.阿里。革命浪潮旋即擴散到北非和中東多個國家,包括埃及、利比亞、阿爾及利亞、也門等,掀起新一輪全球民主浪潮的「阿拉伯之春」運動。這些國家中,突尼西亞是最成功和平過渡到民選政府的國家。這得力於公民社會在民主轉型過程中,發揮關鍵的角色。在政治僵局中,由工會、律師團體、人權組織、工商業組織等於2013年成立「突尼西亞四方對話機制」介入協商,協助舉行公開透明的選舉並制定新《憲法》,建立民主憲政體制。「突尼西亞四方對話機制」因而獲得2015年諾貝爾和平獎。

Jasmine Revolution / Arab Spring: From the end of 2010 to the beginning of 2011, the “Jasmine Revolution” broke out in Tunisia in North Africa, overthrowing the dictatorship of president Ben Ali. The wave of revolution immediately spread to many countries in North Africa and the Middle East, including Egypt, Libya, Algeria, Yemen, and became a new wave of democracy movements known as the Arab Spring. Among these countries, Tunisia is the most successful one in peaceful transition to a democratically elected government due to the key role of civil society in the process of democratic transformation. During political stalemate, trade union, lawyer group, human rights organization, industrial and commercial organization established the Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet in 2013 to help holding open and transparent elections and established new constitution for democratic constitutional system. The Quartet was awarded the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize.


相片:由建政到「六四」屠殺
Photos: From The Inception Of Communist Rule To The June 4th Massacre

https://photos.app.goo.gl/wSEWtVkGvLgkzdDK7

https://photos.app.goo.gl/wSEWtVkGvLgkzdDK7

https://photos.app.goo.gl/wSEWtVkGvLgkzdDK7